hataru/हटारु

PLA brass mulls new chain of command

2012-01-30T21:57:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Jan 30: With 7,000-plus combatants packing up to return to their homes and the old chain of command breaking up, the Maoist PLA commanders have begun to work on alternative arrangements for managing the remaining combatants.

On Sunday, the commanders held a preliminary meeting to work out a plan for cantonment management, and they have tentatively agreed to shut down two satellite camps under each division, reducing the total number of cantonments from the existing 28 to 14.

There are seven main cantonments and 21 satellite camps where 19,000-plus combatants were housed after their verification in 2007. But the total number of combatants was found to be just over 16,000 during the categorization process, the rest having deserted the cantonments.

Each of the seven main cantonments houses one brigade -- except Shaktikhor cantonment with its two brigades -- and controls three satellite camps each, again except Shaktikhor. Each satellite camp houses one brigade. There are altogether 29 brigades.

"With the old chain of command breaking up, we are planning to reduce the number of cantonments to 14. It is a force whose command and control should be managed immediately," Suk Bahadur Roka Magar told Republica.
On Sunday, during their meeting with the party top brass, the commanders, besides venting their ire for not having been taken into confidence before the decision to release the combatants opting for voluntary retirement, also discussed creating a new chain of command and control under the new circumstances.

The meeting, held at the new residence of Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal at Lazimpat, was participated by Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya and General-Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa.

Altogether 7,365 PLA will leave the cantonments under the voluntary retirement package and the process of releasing them will begin on Wednesday, while 9,000-plus have chosen integration into the Nepal Army Directorate. Only six have opted for the rehabilitation package.

Most PLA commanders from the Baidya faction have opted for voluntary retirement, objecting to the ´humiliating´ integration deal.

What shall we do with the weapons and cantonments?

The PLA commanders have demanded that the party leadership and the government clarify what will happen to the cantonments and the weapons of those leaving for home.

During their meeting with the party brass on Sunday, the commanders had raised this question also.

They said handing over the weapons and cantonments to the government immediately would in principle amount to surrender.

It may be recalled that the keys of the weapons containers have already been handed handed over to the Special Committee, although some of the combatants have been allowed to keep some weapons for perimeter security at the cantonments.

"There will be 14 empty cantonments and the weapons of those leaving for home. Handing over the cantonments and weapons before the integration process will amount to surrender. So, how will you settle these things," a commander asked Dahal.

The top brass answered that they would discuss the issues in depth in the party and with other stakeholders. The commanders had warned the leadership that they were for integration, not for ´surrender´ or ´recruitment´.

Combatants await 'uncertain' retirement

2012-01-29T23:57:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Jan 30: Maoist PLA combatants who have chosen voluntary retirement during the recent categorization process are still uncertain about whether they will be sent home as announced by the government.

They said they have not yet been officially informed about the recent government announcement. Only last Friday, they heard over the radio about the government plan to send them home.

But most of the combatants, who have registered themselves for voluntary retirement are mentally prepared for leaving the cantonments and starting a civilian life afresh back home hoping that the retirement process due to begin Tuesday won´t be stalled yet again.

The combatants are now busy packing, meeting comrades and phoning others living in other cantonments to say their final good-bye.
A total of 7,365 fighters have opted for voluntary retirement during the categorization process.

As their parting time is approaching soon, the combatants have a mixed feeling about their future. While they are excited about reuniting with their family members, they say it is painful to part with the comrades alongside whom they fought the decade-long war and lived together in cantonment for the past five years.

Most of the combatants share that their last five years spent in the cantonments were a waste. They said the years were spent amid uncertainties and they just waited for the time to pass. But now, something is seriously holding them back. As a matter of fact, several fighters grew liking each other, fell in love and even got married during the wartime. Also indelibly printed on their mind is the pain that they got when they had to bid farewell to their comrades being labeled ´disqualified´ by UNMIN.

"Right now, I´m busy meeting my comrades and packing my luggage," Deependra Kumar Gharti Magar, Brigade Vice-commander, PLA Fifth Division Dahaban, Rolpa, told Republica.

Gharti joined the PLA in 1999 leaving his medical profession in his native village of Korchabang, Rolpa, with a dream of a building an "egalitarian new Nepal". He played triple role in the war as a health worker, an artist and a fighter in fatigues.

Gharti said he had a dream to create a new classless society. "Though the dream has been shattered it has not faded away yet. That is going to happen, for sure," he said. "If the Maoist party failed to deliver this promise, some other new party will come up. It´s just a matter of time."

Like his comrades, Bikash Malla, a platoon commander, also remained busy making farewell calls to his comrades before packing his luggage Saturday.

Some PLA commanders and members however expressed ignorance about the government decision to send them home. And they even expressed doubt about the government announcement as a similar announcement earlier was not implemented.

"Last time also, the government announced that we would be sent home, but that did not happen. I don´t know what will happen this time. I have not been offcially notified about the government decision yet," Holika KC, brigade vice-commander at fifth division, told Republica.

Fifth division vice-commander Ram Lal Roka Magar; Bhaktaraj Thapa Magar, battalion vice-commander of third division; and Lal Kiran Roka Magar, battalion commander of fourth division, also said they have not been informed about the government decision yet. "I don´t see any possibility of sending combatants home unless there is a clear agreement on rank harmonization," Bhakta claimed.

Even fifth division commander Ram Lal shared his frustration for he has not yet been informed officially about the govenrment decision.

Ram Lal said they have put forth various demands before party chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai. They said they want all the money they are to receive in lump sum, a letter of appreciation and that the demands of the injured and physically disabled fighters should be met.

"The government plan on voluntary retirement could face strong rejection in the cantonments if our demands are not met. We will take a decision after holding discussions among comrades," said Ram Lal.

What are their plans?

"I have worn guns for the most part of my life. Now I would like to see what can I do with a pen," Malla revealed his plan. He said he will join university to pursue a bachelor´s degree. The security forces had detained him back in 2001 when he was in Musikot, the district headquarters of Rukum, pursuing his secondary education. He joined the Maoist PLA after his release.

Lal Kiran, who is also a member of Ajammari People´s Commune, Thabang, Rolpa, said he will start a medicinal herbs farm back in his home village. "I´ve no desire to join the party. I see no hope in the plans the party has made for us," he said expressing his frustration toward the Maoist party.

However, Thapa Magar, KC, Ram Lal and Deependra said they will actively involve themselves in Maoist party politics.

PLA brass won't cooperate with voluntary retirement

2012-01-29T23:54:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN KATHMANDU, Jan 30: PLA commanders have said they will not cooperate with the government´s plan to give voluntary retirements to combatants saying that the government has not fulfilled the combatants´ various demands. "You may visit the cantonments to begin your work, but don´t blame us if our comrades don´t participate in the process," sources quoted commanders as telling the Special Committee secretariat members, who are supposed to reach the cantonements on Tuesday leading 91 staffers to begin the much-awaited voluntary retirment of the 7000-plus combatants. The PLA commanders have been demanding that the government clarify the confusion surrounding the rank harmonization and education level; arrange retirement package for the combatants as per their current ranks, give special package for the physically disabled and the disqualified; and hand over letters of appreciation to the combatants for their contribution to the "People´s War". Talking to Republica, PLA commanders said they were not consulted while taking the "abrupt decision" to send the PLA members home, and that they will not be responsible if the combatants defy the process. "It will be better if you ask the prime minister how he implements his decision. We were not involved in the decision- making process, but have been ordered to be ready to send the combatants home. So, we should not be held responsible if the process fails, "said PLA second division commander Suk Bahadur Roka Magar. After the PLA faction led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya put forward a 10-point demand to the party leadership, the commanders from the party establishment also made similar demands. The commanders have also objected to the decision to send home those opting for voluntary retirement without taking the process of integration simultaneously. Suk Bahadur Rokka Magar from Dudhauli cantonments claimed that the combatants are not in a mood to participate in the process until various issues related to integration are settled. PLA commanders unhappy with ´abrupt decision´ In their meeting with the party leadership on Sunday, PLA commanders vented their ire against the "abrupt decision" to release the combatants opting for voluntary retirement without first addressing their concerns. When party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal formally informed them of the decision for the first time, complete silence prevailed in the room for a few minutes. "We have already taken the decision [about the voluntary retirement]. Please give your opinion about the decision," a commander quoted Dahal as saying during a meeting at Dahal´s residence. After a silence of about five minutes, the commanders hurled series of questions at the leadership. "Why did you instruct us to halt the process in the first place? And why are you asking us to resume it now even though none of the party´s demands and concerns have been met?" a commander quoted Suk Bahadur Roka Magar, division commander of the Second Division, as asking the party leadership. According to him, apart from Dahal, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya, Vice-chairman Baburam Bhattarai (who is also the prime minister and head of the Special Committee) and General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa were present at the meeting. It was the first time that Thapa, who was nominated head of the PLA after the Dhobighat accord's party Central Committee meeting, had participated in a meeting with the PLA. After Roka Magar, it was Tej Bahadur Oli from the Fourth Division who raised the questions. "Will you levy tax on the money to be received as retirement package, provide appreciation letters to the combatants and settle the rank harmonization disputes?" a participant quoted Oli as saying. Bhattarai responded that the money received by combatants in retirement package would not be taxed. He also said that negotiations over rank harmonization are going on and the combatants would be given appreciation letters after some time. The commanders seemed convinced that they did not have other options but to obey the party directives. They avoided getting into details due to the environment of mistrust.
from Republica English Daily news paper

Birtish Gurkha Army Gajbahadur killed in Afghanistan

2012-01-29T06:06:00.000-08:00

The Ministry of Defence has named the soldier killed in Afghanistan on Friday. Lance Corporal Gajbahadur Gurung served with 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment.

Serving as part of Combined Force Nahr-e Saraj (North), he was a member of an International Security Assistance Force foot patrol to disrupt insurgent activity in the Khar Nikah region of Nahr-e Saraj district, Helmand province, when he received a fatal gunshot wound.
Lance Corporal Gurung was born in Majthana, Nepal, on 16 October 1985, and was brought up and educated in Pokhara. Before being selected for the Brigade of Gurkhas, he was a full time student, studying Maths and English in Pokhara.
He joined the Brigade of Gurkhas on 18 December 2004 at British Gurkhas Pokhara, Nepal. He completed recruit training in Gurkha Company, 3rd Battalion, Infantry Training Centre Catterick in October 2005. On completion of his basic training he joined 2nd Battalion The Royal Gurkha Rifles and served both in Brunei and the UK.
Known as ‘Gaj’ to his friends in the Army, Lance Corporal Gurung served three times in Afghanistan during his military career. He previously deployed there in 2006 as part of D Company (Gurkha Reinforcement Company) with 7 Royal Horse Artillery. He deployed again in October 2008.
On 14 July 2009, he was posted to C Company, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment in Münster, Germany. Over the summer of 2010 he deployed to the British Army Training Unit in Suffield, Canada, and spent time on exercise with both the 1st The Queen’s Dragoon Guards and 1st Battalion The Princess of Wales’s Royal Regiment Battle Groups. Upon his return to Germany he became immersed in preparation for a return to Afghanistan, during which he completed the basic Pashto language course.
On deploying to Afghanistan, C Company was renamed D (Delhi) Company. After completing his in-theatre training, he moved forward to Forward Operating Base Khar Nikah where his Company, under command of Combined Force Nahr-e-Saraj (North), were to be based for the duration of Operation Herrick 15. His Company were tasked with holding the contested and critically influential area north east of Helmand’s second city, Gereshk. On the afternoon of Friday 27 January 2012, Lance Corporal Gurung’s patrol came under small arms fire. During the short exchange of gunfire that ensued, he was fatally wounded.
He leaves behind his wife Manisha, father Gum Bahadur, mother Lekh Maya, his brother Buddha and sister Junu.
Lieutenant Colonel Dan Bradbury, Commanding Officer, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said:
“Lance Corporal Gurung was serving in the northern part of Nahr-e-Saraj District – one of the toughest areas in Helmand and one of the very few areas remaining where control is contested daily with the insurgents – when he was killed. He touched so many lives for the better; his peers in Delhi Company and all of us in the chain of command knew him as an intelligent, charismatic and inquisitive natural leader of men.
“Never one to let an opportunity go, he was constantly striving to know more, learn more and his ability to get on so well with the local people made him the natural choice to train the Afghan Local Police. He died as he lived – at the heart of the action, taking the fight to the enemy and resolute in the face of danger. He was a true Gurkha in body and spirit in everything he did. We will miss him immensely, and our thoughts are with his wife Manisha in Münster, and his parents Gum Bahadur and Lekh, and brother and sister Bhudda and Junu in Nepal. We pray he will rest in peace.”
Major Spiro Christopher Marcandonatos, Officer Commanding, D (Delhi) Company, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said:
“I have known Lance Corporal Gurung for nearly three years. An extraordinary individual, he made an impression from the very first time I met him. Bright and well-educated, he was most definitely a “people person” who abided by all the right values; a true Gurkha at heart, with a Western twist.
“Much respected across all ranks, he offered much in every way and was a born leader of men. He consistently maintained that he wanted to be at the forefront of a Rifle Platoon and 9 Platoon were the beneficiaries of this wish. His dedication has been second to none and his immediate aspiration after this tour was to attend the Section Commander’s Battle Course, in Brecon, to lead a section of soldiers.
“Such is the mark of the individual to me that as his Officer Commanding, I consider that I have lost a brother and a friend. As a rising star in the Brigade of Gurkhas we will be the worse for his passing and he will be sorely missed by one and all. Our thoughts are with his wife, Manisha, his family and friends.”
Captain Hemkumar Tamang, Second in Command, D (Delhi) Company, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said:
“Lance Corporal Gurung was a very well known and talented man in the Company. Very good at all sports he especially loved playing football and basketball. He was always cheerful, charming and approachable to his mates and commanders. He was an outstanding character.
“He was one of my best soldiers and proved this since his arrival in Germany. His diligent and hard work was second to none, he was always eager to help his mates and support his commanders. His smile and humble character remains in my heart. He was an excellent friend and a brother to all those around him. Now we miss him.
My thoughts are with his family, especially his wife Manisha, at this difficult time.”
Captain Euan Waters, Platoon Commander, 9 Platoon, D (Delhi) Company, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said:
“I met Lance Corporal Gurung in 2009 when I joined the Company as his Platoon Commander. I immediately singled him out as someone who was going places. Although a Rifleman at the time, he stepped up on numerous occasions as a section commander and, as with everything, he did it with ease and an assured confidence.
“Lance Corporal Gurung was one of the most gifted soldiers I have ever seen. He took a huge pride in his job. I was so proud of him when he promoted to Lance Corporal and we joked that I would bump into him in years to come in the Officers’ Mess, once he had commissioned. In my heart I knew he would get there.
“I am so proud to have been able to serve with Lance Corporal Gurung, privileged to have known him and to count him as a friend. His thirst for life and energy was contagious. He touched all those that met him. I am a better soldier and person for having known him. A true Gurkha and one of the bravest men I have ever met. My thoughts and love go out to his family at this sad time.”
Warrant Officer Class Two Sanjipkumar Rai, Company Sergeant Major, D (Delhi) Company, The 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment said:
“I have known Lance Corporal Gurung, known as Gaj, for the last four years. I first met him while we were training for Operation Herrick 9. He was a young Rifleman and I was a Colour Sergeant. Even in those early stages of his Army career he proved himself to be the best amongst his peers.
“I know you are not with us, instead you are embedded in our hearts and minds. We may not be able to see you again and feel your warmth, but the priceless work and sacrifices that you have made will always be remembered.
For me you are the true hero of HERRICK 15. You are second to none in my heart.
“I’ll pray to God, may your soul rest in peace forever and ever. At this difficult time, my deepest and sincerest condolences go to his wife Manisha and his extended family.”
Corporal Ishwor Sunuwar, Company Combat Human Resources Administrator, D (Delhi) Company, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said:
“I first met Gaj in Oxford Barracks in Germany on my assignment to the Company. Gaj was an ambitious soldier and a true gentleman, brother and a good friend. It was his selfless nature that brought me close to him. I remember him coming to my office and offering to help me with my work when he hadn’t much to do in the Platoon. I have always seen him happy, smiling and helpful to all those around him.
“I had been out on patrols with him several times. I remember him giving situational awareness to the troops on the radio, sharing all the information he saw en-route and sometimes cracking jokes. At this difficult time, my deepest and sincerest condolences go to his wife, parents and relatives. A true friend and brother. You will never be forgotten and will always be in my heart. Rest in peace, dear brother.”
Lance Bombardier Ware, K Battery, 5th Regiment Royal Artillery, said:
“It is impossible to summarise a person in words alone, and I probably won’t do him justice – I hope he forgives me.
Gaj was as proud as any Gurkha I have met and as good an infantier as the British Army could produce. Humble and determined he was an inspiration to us all. These are just a few of the qualities that made him a respected Lance Corporal and a trustworthy friend. I will always remember Gaj.”
Secretary of State for Defence, Philip Hammond MP, said:
“I was very saddened to learn of the death of Lance Corporal Gajbahadur Gurung, a young soldier who achieved so much during his few years as a member of the British Army. He served three tours of Afghanistan, fighting to safeguard Britain’s national security and to give Afghanistan a peaceful future. My thoughts and deepest sympathies are with his family, friends and colleagues.”

UK soldier killed in Afghanistan named by MoD

A British soldier shot dead in Afghanistan has been named as Lance Corporal Gajbahadur Gurung by the Ministry of Defence.
The soldier, from 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, was shot on Friday in the Khar Nikah area of Helmand.
Lieutenant Colonel Gordon Mackenzie said he was “fatally wounded in an insurgent attack while on a foot patrol to disrupt insurgent activity”.
British military deaths in Afghanistan since 2001 now stand at 397.
L/Cpl Gurung, 26, was born in Majthana, Nepal. He joined the Brigade of Gurkhas on 18 December 2004 at British Gurkhas Pokhara, Nepal.
He served three times in Afghanistan during his military career.
His Company were responsible for holding the contested area north east of Helmand’s second city, Gereshk.
On the afternoon of 27 January, L/Cpl Gurung’s patrol came under small arms fire and he was fatally wounded.
He leaves behind his wife Manisha, father Gum Bahadur, mother Lekh Maya, his brother Buddha and sister Junu.
Lieutenant Colonel Dan Bradbury, Commanding Officer, 1st Battalion The Yorkshire Regiment, said L/Cpl Gurung “touched so many lives for the better”.
‘A true Gurkha’
He added: “His peers in Delhi Company and all of us in the chain of command knew him as an intelligent, charismatic and inquisitive natural leader of men.
“Never one to let an opportunity go, he was constantly striving to know more, learn more and his ability to get on so well with the local people made him the natural choice to train the Afghan Local Police.
“He died as he lived – at the heart of the action, taking the fight to the enemy and resolute in the face of danger. He was a true Gurkha in body and spirit in everything he did.”
Defence Secretary Philip Hammond, said: “I was very saddened to learn of the death of Lance Corporal Gajbahadur Gurung, a young soldier who achieved so much during his few years as a member of the British Army.
“He served three tours of Afghanistan, fighting to safeguard Britain’s national security and to give Afghanistan a peaceful future.
“My thoughts and deepest sympathies are with his family, friends and colleagues.”
Some 500 of around 9,500 British servicemen and women in Afghanistan are due to be brought home in 2012 and Prime Minister David Cameron has indicated that more will leave in 2013.
He has said he wants British soldiers to end combat operations in the country by 2014.
from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news

राउटेभित्रको प्रेम विवाह

2012-01-27T23:17:00.000-08:00

दुर्गालाल केसी
दाङ, माघ १३ -
बलबहादुर शाही गत वर्ष बाघमारे गाउँभरि मह खोज्दै हिँडे । एक धार्नी मह बोकेर बेलुकीपख जंगलतिर उकालो लागे । जंगलमा कन्दमूल र सिकार गरेर जीवन बिताइरहेका शाहीलाई किन महको चटारो पर्‍यो ? गाउँले अचम्म मान्दै थिए ।उनलाई भोलिपल्ट सम्धी मेलो गर्नुपर्ने रहेछ । छोराको बिहेका लागि केटीको घरमा 'पाहुर' लिएर जानुपर्ने चलन भएकाले उनी मह खोज्न भांैतारिएका हुन् । त्यसका लागि उनी मुखियासँग पाँच सय रुपैयाँ सापटी लिएर विवाहको सरसामान जुटाउने दौडधुपमा लागेका थिए ।
'मह दिएर खुसी पारेपछि बुहारी पाउने सम्भावना बढी हुन्छ । छोराले मन पराएको केटीको घरमा केही पाहुर लिएर जानुपर्ने चलन छ,' उनले भने, 'उपहार स्विकारेपछि छोरी दिनुपर्ने हुन्छ । विवाहको पक्कापक्कीजस्तो हुन्छ ।' बास सर्दै हिँड्ने राउटेहरू जंगलमा कसरी विवाह गर्छन् होला ? सबैलाई जिज्ञासा हुन सक्छ तर उनीहरूको विवाह संस्कारमा आम मानिसभन्दा त्यति भिन्नता छैन ।
केटाकेटी मन परेपछि बुहारी माग्न जाने, विवाहको मिति तय गर्ने र सानोतिनो भोज गरेर विवाह गर्ने चलन
छ । भोजका रूपमा उनीहरू भात, मासु र जाँड बनाउँछन् । मासुका लागि जंगलमा सिकार खेल्छन् । सिकार नभेटिए रक्सी र भातमै चित्त बुझाउँछन् । विवाहका दिन नाचगान र रमाइलो गर्ने गरेको मुखिया मैनबहादुर शाहीले बताए ।
राउटे युवतीहरू फुपूका छोरासँग विवाह गर्ने गर्छन् । राउटेहरू सबै ठकुरी जातिका छन् । कल्याल र राजकोटी जातिका राउटेहरू धेरै छन् । कल्यालहरू राजकोटीका भान्जाभान्जीहरू रहेको राउटेबारे लामो अध्ययन गरेकी राउटे उत्थान प्रतिष्ठानकी अध्यक्ष सत्यदेवी अधिकारीले बताइन् । 'मामाकी छोरीसँग विवाह गर्ने चलन हुन्छ । केटाकेटी मन परेपछि बाआमालाई भन्छन्,' उनले भनिन्, 'बाआमा बुहारी माग्न जान्छन् र प्रक्रिया अघि बढाउँछन् । प्रेम भए पनि मागेरै बिहे गर्ने चलन हुन्छ । आफैं भाग्ने हुँदैन ।'
'कुल सोधेर छोरी विवाह गर्नु, मूल सोधेर पानी खानु' भन्ने उखानका आधारमा विवाह हुने गरेको उनले
बताइन् । त्यसैले बुहारी हेर्दा आमाबाबु भएकी, राम्रो बानीबेहोरा भएकी केटी खोज्ने चलन छ । कतिपय युवाले ११/१२ वर्षमै केटी छान्ने गरेको अधिकारीले बताइन् । 'मन पर्‍यो भने यो मेरो हो भनेर रोजेर राख्ने गर्छन् । एउटाले रोजेकालाई अरूले हेर्न पाइँदैन । उसैले मात्र विवाह गर्न पाउँछ,' उनले भनिन्, 'रोजेकीमध्ये एक जनाको मृत्यु भएमा कतिपय त त्यसैका नाममा जीवनभर विधवा/विदुर भएर बस्ने चलन पनि छ ।'
महिलाको संख्या थोरै भएकाले पाका पुरुषले कलिलो उमेरका युवतीसँग बिहे गर्ने चलन रहेको राउटेका पूर्वमुखिया ऐनबहादुर शाहीले बताए । 'बच्चा पाउँदा धेरै महिलाको मृत्यु हुने हुँदा हाम्रो जातिमा महिलाहरू कम छन्,' उनले भने, 'बूढो उमेरसम्म पनि केटी नपाउनेहरू धेरै छन् । त्यस्तो अवस्थामा पाकाहरू पनि सानै उमेरका केटी रोज्न तम्सिन्छन् ।'
राउटेहरूमा बहुविवाह भने पूर्ण रूपमा प्रतिबन्धित छ । बहुविवाह गर्नेलाई मुखियाले कारबाही गर्ने भएकाले कसैले गर्दैनन् । विधवा/विदुर विवाह भने प्रचलनमा रहेको सहायक मुखिया धनबहादुर शाहीले बताए । 'एक्लो जीवन बिताउँदा दुःख भएकाले विधवा/विदुरलाई विवाह गर्न दिइन्छ,' उनले भने ।
विवाहमा केटा पक्षले केटीलाई गहनाहरू दिने चलन हुन्छ । सिल्पटका चुरा, कानमा रिङ, पोतेजस्ता गहना र सम्भव भए एकसरो नयाँ कपडाले दुलहीलाई सिंगार्ने गरिन्छ । विवाहमा हाम्रो जस्तो सिन्दूर हाल्ने व्यवस्था हुँदैन । 'सधैं सिन्दूर लगाउन पाइँदैन । त्यसैले मुखियाले यिनीहरूको विवाह भयो भनेर जानकारी दिएपछि भोज गरेर विवाह भएको मानिन्छ,' सहायक मुखिया शाहीले भने, 'पानी पाइने ठाउँ भए केटाकेटी नुहाउँछन्, नभए त्यत्तिकै हो ।'
विवाहपछि सुहागरात कहाँ, कसरी मनाउँछन् त ? 'छुट्टै छाप्रो बनाएर
बस्छन् । जंगलतिर एक्लै काठ काट्न र सिकार खेल्न जान्छन्,' रामबहादुर शाहीले भने, 'केही दिन रमाइलो गर भनेर सबैले छोडिदिन्छन् । मुखियाले पनि केही काम लगाउँदैनन् ।' राउटेहरूले बाहिरी समुदायका केटाकेटीसँग विवाह गर्छन् कि गर्दैनन् त ? 'गर्दैनन्, हाम्रा छोरीहरू गाउँमा गएर खेतीपाती गर्न सक्दैनन् । गाउँको केटी यहाँ आएर जंगलमा घुम्न सक्दैनन्,' मुखिया शाहीले भने, 'त्यसैले हाम्रो जाति र संस्कार बचाउन पनि बाहिर विवाह हुँदैन ।'
from Kantipur daily newspaper

50/50 chance of new statute: Dahal

2012-01-27T23:13:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Jan 28: UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal said on Friday that there is only a 50/50 chance of promulgating the new constitution because of growing differences between the parliamentary parties and the Maoists.
Addressing a close-door meeting of the party cadres at an orientation organized by the Maoist Tharuwan, Bheri-Karnali and Seti-Mahakali state committees at Chisapani, Dahal, who is also coordinator of the dispute resolution sub-committee under the constitutional committee (CC), said that “chances of confrontation are high as the parliamentary parties [Nepali Congress and CPN (UML)] will not accept our wish for a ‘pro-people’ constitution and we are not at all ready to accept another parliamentary constitution”.“If the parliamentary parties pose serious obstructions to out goal of bringing in a pro-people constitution then the entire constituting-writing process will derail, leaving no option for us but to go for a people’s revolt,” a participant quoted Dahal as saying.
Dahal also accused the parliamentary parties of not accepting the change that the people of this country wish to see. “Leaders of the parliamentary parties have not yet accepted major changes in our political system like state restructuring and a proportional electoral system,” a party central committee member quoted Dahal as saying.
Chairman Dahal also accused the parliamentary parties of acting against the spirit of the peace process and said they were putting up one obstacle after another over the issue of rank harmonization for the 6,500 PLA that are to integrate into the Nepal Army.
They were dismissing the Maoist claim that the PLA should get higher ranks in the proposed directorate as per the numbers they are contributing to the directorate, he said. “We have said that since the number of PLA to be integrated is enough to form a brigade, the PLA should be given a higher post in the directorate,” he was quoted as saying.
Dahal also lambasted the parliamentary parties for teaming up into an anti-Maoist front and warned that such a move can completely derail the ongoing peace and constitution-writing process.
He likewise alleged that the parties had been making all-out efforts to split the Maoists. He repeated the accusation that Nepali Congress Vice-president Ram Chandra Paudel, former UN under secretary-general Kul Chandra Gautam, CC Chairman Nilambar Acharya and journalist Kanak Mani Dixit were hatching conspiracies to split the UCPN (Maoist). He had mentiuoned those names earlier at a cadre orientation in the capital.
Similarly, addressing the same meeting, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya said that there was a greater urgency in saving the national interest than completing the task of writing a constitution. He said that a serious deviation by leaders from the ‘proletariat values’ had emerged as the biggest hurdle in genuine party unity.
“We reiterated unity after the Kharipati and Palungtar meetings, where they merged Dahal’s and Baidya’s political documents into one, but that did not bear fruit. If we do not become serious about implemention, it will be a repeat of the same thing,” another participant quoted Baidya as saying.
Similarly, at the same meeting, Prime Minister and party Vice-chairman Dr Baburam Bhattarai urged the party leaders and cadres to work to make the current government a true government of the party rather than a government that represents a faction of the party.
PM Bhattarai also accused the media of carrying baseless news reports about widening differences between himself and Chairman Dahal. “The reactionary forces are afraid of Maoist party unity” yet another participant quoted Bhattarai as saying.
Party didn’t pressure govt to legalize land deals: Dahal
NEPALGUNJ (REPUBLICA): Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal said on Friday that the Baburam Bhattarai-led government had not consulted the party before taking the decision to legalize conflict-era land transactions that took place under the arbitration of the Maoist ‘people’s government’.
Expressing concern over media reports that the party pressured the government to legalize the transactions, Dahal claimed that he became aware of the matter only after the cabinet took such a decision. “I learnt about the decision through the media,” Dahal told journalists in Banke.
“The cabinet took the decision on its own to legalize the land transactions and the party did not exert any pressure in that regard.” Dahal’s clarification over the controversial cabinet decision comes amidst media reports that the government took the decision under party pressure.
In another context, Dahal said that the parties have been holding talks on forming a national consensus government but have not reached agreement on who should lead such a government.
from REPUBLICA English daily news paper

मेरो बुबा मेरो हिरो

2012-01-25T04:49:00.000-08:00

प्रकाश दाहाल प्रचण्डपुत्र

खुसुक्क ढोका लगाउँदै गरेका बुबा

हामी चितवनको शिवनगरमा बस्थ्यौँ । बुबा भूमिगत भइसक्नुभएको थियो । महिना-दुई महिनामा घर आउनुहुन्थ्यो, त्यो पनि प्रायः राति मात्र । बुबाको पहिलो सम्झना म चार/पाँच वर्षको हुँदाको छ । बुबा सुटुक्क भित्र पस्नुभयो र धेरै आवज नआउने गरी अलक्क ढोका लगाउनुहुन्थ्यो । सतर्क भएर ढोका लगाउँदै गरेका बुबाको ढाडतिरको चित्र अहिले पनि मेरो सम्झना छ ।
म साढे पाँच वर्षको हुँदा हामी भरतपुर बसाइँ सर्‍यौँ

। म सानो बालकुमारी भन्ने सरकारी विद्यालयमा भर्ना भएँ । हामी भरतपुर जाँदाताका बुबाको कार्यक्षेत्र सायद मधेस थियो किनभने बुबासँग र अरू वेला पनि मधेसका कमरेडहरू धेरै आउनुहुन्थ्यो हाम्रो घर पार्टीका सेल्टरमध्ये एक थियो । राति जतिखेरै पनि जहाँबाट पनि पाहुना आउन सक्थे र जतिजना पनि आउन सक्थे । ममीले तिनलाई खाना खुवाउनुहुन्थ्यो र बसोबासको व्यवस्था मिलाइदिनुहुन्थ्यो । घरमा ममी तीन दिदी र म मात्रै थियौँ । दिदीहरू म सानै थियौँ । घरको सबैभर ममीमाथि थियो ।
दाउरा किन्ने पैसा नहुँदा
त्यसवेला हाम्रो आर्थिक अवस्था अत्यन्त कमजोर थियो
। कहिले साबुन किन्ने पैसा हुन्नथियो, कहिले चिनी किन्न । दिदीहरू र मैले कहिल्यै पनि बाटोमा पैसा भेट्यौँ भने आफैँ खर्च गर्दैनथ्यौँ, ममीलाई दिन्थ्यौँ । पाहुनाको लर्को ठूलो हुन्थ्यो । कहिले आठ, कहिले दश त कहिले १६/१७ जनासम्म कमरेडहरूलाई व्यवस्थापन गर्नु पथ्र्यो । दिदीहरू र म छेउका झ्याङहरूमा झिँझा दाउरा खोज्थ्यौँ । एकपटक दाउरा किन्ने पैसा नभएर हामीहरू क्षेत्रपुरमा फुपू दिदीका घरमा खाना खान गएको पनि मलाई सम्झना छ । घरबाट नपुग्दा कहिलेकाहीँ ममीले मामाघरबाट पनि चामल ल्याउनुहुन्थ्यो । बुबा राजनीतिमा लाग्नुभएको हो भन्ने मैले पछि थाहा पाएँ
। उहाँको नियमित कमाई हुने कुरै भएन । ममी पनि जागिरे हुनुहुन्नथियो, गृहणी मात्रै । भरतपुरमा हामीहरूसँग अतिरिक्त आयस्रोत थिएन । दिदीहरू र मलाई खुवाउन र पढाउन नै ममीलाई धौ-धौ थियो । त्यसमाथि पार्टीका साथीहरूको चाप थियो । बुबा देश बदल्न र क्रान्ति गर्न घर छोडेर हिडिसक्नुभएको थियो । यत्रो भार थेग्दा पनि ममीले बुबालाई घरव्यवहार सम्हाल्न भनेको सुनिनँ । सबै दुःख एक्लै खेपेर ममीले बुबालाई देशका लागि समर्पण गरिदिनुभएको थियो ।
ह्वाट इज योर नेम ?
कहिलेकाहीँ मात्रै आए पनि आएका वेला बुबाले हामीलाई एकदमै माया गर्नुहुन्थ्यो
। ममी बुबालाई 'घरमा आएका वेला त तिनीहरूलाई पढाइदिए पनि हुन्थ्यो नि !' भन्नुहुन्थ्यो । तर, बुबाले पढाएको चाहिँ मलाई सम्झना छैनँ । ममीले करकर गरेपछि 'ह्वाट इज योर नेम ?' भनेर सोध्नुहुन्थ्यो । मैले अनि जोडले, 'माई नेम इज प्रकाश दाहाल भन्थेँ । बस्, पढाइ खत्तम् !
स्कुलका कार्यक्रममा बुबाले जाने कुरै भएन
। हामीलाई स्कुल त उहाँले कहिल्यै लैजानुभएन । घरमै एकदमै कम कम आउनुहुन्थ्यो, त्यसमाथि भूमिगत हुनुुहुन्थ्यो । उहाँले मलाई 'दुई गुना चार' पनि सिकाउनुभएन, एबिसिडी कखगघ पनि घोकाउनुभएन । पहिले शिक्षक भए पनि बुबा मेरा शिक्षक चाहिँ कहिल्यै हुनुभएन । ज्ञानु दिदी मभन्दा आठ वर्षकी जेठी हुनुहुन्छ । स्कुलमा मेरो अभिभावक सधैँ दिदी नै हुनुभयो ।
पाटनमा बल्ल सँगै
भरतपुरबाट ०४८ सालमा राजधानी आएपछि मात्रै म बुबासँगै बसेँ
। नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीका संस्थापक नीरञ्जन गोविन्द वैद्यको सगोलको घरमा हामी डेरा बस्थ्यौँ । किरण, बादल, भक्तबहादुर श्रेष्ठलगायतका कमरेडहरू पनि त्यही घरमा बस्नुहुन्थ्यो । हामी बस्न त बेग्ला-बेग्लै कोठमा बस्थ्यौँ, तर एउटै परिवार जसरी बस्यौँ । किरण र बादल कमरेडका म्याडमहरू काठमाडौंमा हुनुहुन्थ्यो, त्यसैले सँगै बसे पनि हामी प्रायः सँगै खाना खान्थ्यौँ । बुबा महामन्त्री भइसक्नुभएको थियो, त्यसैले सँगै बसे पनि उहाँ काठमाडौंमा भए मात्रै भेट हुन्थ्यो ।
एक वर्षपछि हामी च्यासलमा सर्‍यौँ
। त्यहाँ पनि केही समय किरण कमरेड र हामी सँगैजस्तै बस्थ्यौँ । पछि उहाँ सायद अर्को डेरामा सर्नुभयो । हामी सबै एउटै परिवार थियौँ । मेरी ठूली दिदी र कान्छी दिदीसँगै भए पनि माइली दिदी मामाघरमा हुनुहुन्थ्यो । बादल कमरेड र किरण कमरेडका छोराछोरी काठमाडौं बाहिर हुनुहुन्थ्यो ।
दिदीभाइ मात्रै एक्लै
हामी नरबहादुर कर्माचार्य कमरेडको छिमेकी भएर केही समय कुम्भेश्वरमा पनि बस्यौँ
। पछि सरेर कलंकी गयौँ । एक वर्षजति त्यहाँ बसेपछि र ०५२ सालमा जनयुद्ध सुरु भएपछि हामी गोंगबुमा आयौँ । युद्ध सुरु हुनेवेलातिरै ममी पनि बुबासँगै भूमिगत भएपछि हामी केटाकेटी मात्रै गोंगबुमा सरेका थियौँ । तर, त्यहाँको बसाइँ पनि सुरक्षित भएन । हामीहरू मामाको संरक्षणमा अलग्गै घरमा डेरामा बसेका थियौँ । उहाँका छोराछोरी वनस्थली स्कुलमा पढ्थे । म सरकारी मनोहर स्कुलमा आठ कक्षामा भर्ना भएको थिएँ । पछि खस्याकखुसुक्क सुनिन थालियो-दाहाल थर भएका विद्यार्थीको खोजीनीति भइरहेको छ । मामाहरूले बुबालाई भन्नुभएपछि हामीले पनि भन्यौँ । 'सानै छन्, पूर्णकालीन राजनीतिमा ल्याउन पनि गाह्रो छ, सुरक्षाका कारणले तिनलाई सिलिगुढी लैजाऊ' भनेर पार्टीले निर्णय गरेछ । त्यसरी हामी सिलिगुढी पुग्यौँ ।
परदेशमा सात वर्ष
हामी सिलिगुढी पुगेको ६ महिनापछि त्यहाँ प्रहरीको सक्रियता बढ्यो
। हाम्रा केही कमरेडहरू पनि समातिए । त्यसैवेला दिदीहरूको बिहेको कुरा उठ्यो । ठूली दिदीको ०५२ सालमा बिहे भइसकेको थियो । माइली र कान्छी दिदीको लखनऊमा गए । कान्छी दिदीको परिवार राजनीतिक थियो, त्यसैले त्यहाँ पनि सुरक्षाको कुरा उठ्यो । त्यसपछि मलाई माइली दिदीकहाँ पञ्जाब पठाइयो । पञ्जाब पुगेपछि बल्ल म फेरि पढ्न थाले र त्यही मैले पार्टी सदस्यता पनि लिएँ । १२ कक्षासम्मको मेरो पढाइ त्यही भयो ।
बुबा कहिले भोपाल, कहिले पञ्जाब, कहिले मद्रास र कहिले दिल्लीमा सेल्टर फेरिरहनुहुन्थ्यो
। नेपालमा संकटकाल लाग्नुअघि नै भारत सरकारले माओवादीमाथि एकदमै कडाइ गर्न थाल्यो । हिन्दी जानेको, नजिकबाट सघाउनसक्ने एकजना सहायक चाहिएछ बुबालाई । अनि पार्टीले प्रकाशलाई ल्याऊँ न त निर्णय गरेछ । यसरी म बुबाको सहायक भा । म भने १२ कक्षा सकेर सेनामा जाने मनस्थितिमा थिएँ
।
मेरा बुबा मेरा नायक
दिल्लीमा भएको पोलिटब्युरो बैठकमा मैले दिवाकर -पोष्टबहादुर बोगटी) काकालाई 'म जनमुक्ति सेनामा जान्छु' भनेँ
। उहाँले 'जहाँ बसे पनि पार्टीको काम गर्ने हो, बुबासँग बस' भन्नुभयो । ०५८ सालमा रोल्पामा जनमुक्ति सेनाको प्रथम राष्ट्रिय भेला अघिदेखि म बुबाको स्वकीय सचिव भएँ र आजसम्म छु । प्रचण्ड मेरा लागि सबैभन्दा पहिले मेरो अध्यक्ष र आदर्श नेता हुनुहुन्छ
। त्यसपछि मात्र बुवा । सानोमा ममी र हामीले दुःख पायौँ, तर बुबाले हाम्रा दुःख हेरेर जागिर खान र्फकनुभएन । जसले देशलाई परिवारभन्दामाथि सोच्छ, क्रान्तिका लागि अरूले परिवारको सुखसुविस्ताको बलिदान गर्छ त्यही सच्चा नेता हो भन्ने मलाई लाग्थ्यो । सानैदेखि मेरो सबैभन्दा ठूलो नायक नै बुबा हुनुहुन्थ्यो ।
बेग्लै हुनुहुन्छ मेरा बुबा
बुबा क्षमा गर्ने खालको र लचिलो हुनुहुन्छ
थान्नुभयो
। भोलिपल्ट बिहान पनि बुवाले खाना खान मान्नुभएन । पछि बिबिसीले कुनै पत्रकारले त्यसो भएको होइन भनेर स्थलगत रिपोर्ट दिएपछि बल्ल बुबा खुसी हुनुभयो ।
भारतमा हामी कहिलेकाहीँ सिनेमा पनि हेथ्र्यौं
। सिनेमामा एकदम 'इमोसनल सिन' आउँदा बुबा हिक्का छाडेर रुनुहुन्थ्यो, मानौँ दुःख पाउने त्यो पात्र उहाँ नै आफैँ हो । वास्तविक जीवनमा पनि कसैका समस्या सुनेपछि बुबा तुरुन्तै पग्लिहाल्नुहुन्छ । सकेसम्म सबैलाई राम्रो गरौँ भनेर लाग्नुहन्छ । तर, राजनीतिमा जति राम्रो गर्न खोजे पनि धेरै जसचाहिँ नपाइदोरहेछ । बुबाका कमजोरी पनि छन् । उहाँ कसैलाई नाइँ भन्न सक्नुहुन्नँ । सकेसम्म हुँदैन भन्नुहुन्न । मलाईचाहिँ हुन्न सकिन्न, मिल्दैन भनेर किन भन्नुहुन्न भन्ने लाग्छ । । कहिल्यै कसैप्रति पूर्वाग्रह राख्नुहुन्नँ । कसले के भनेर गाली गर्‍यो भनेर सम्भिmराख्नुहुुन्नँ । सकेसम्म सबैलाई मिलाएर अघि बढ्नुहुन्छ । दश वर्ष लामो युद्धकालमा र पछि पनि पार्टीलाई विभाजित हुन दिनुभएन । जस्तोसुकै अन्तर्संघर्षमा पनि विचलित हुनुभएन ।
बुबा अलि 'इमोसनल' हुनुहुन्छ। बुबालाई मैले रोएको पनि धेरैपटक देखेको छु । गाम-आक्रमणका वेलामा बिबिसीले एक हजारभन्दा बढी माओवादी छापामार मारिए भनेर समाचार दियो । त्यसवेला हामी बम्बैमा थियौँ । कोठामा म, बुबा र ममीमात्रै थियौँ । खाना पाकिसकेको थियो तर, हामी कसैले पनि खाना खाएनौँ । हाम्रो मुख्य शक्ति पश्चिमको त्यही फोर्स थियो । त्यो नष्ट भएको भए क्रान्तिको सपना पनि नष्ट हुन्थ्यो । एक हजार जनमुक्ति सेना चिहान भएको समाचारपछि बुबा एकदम भावुक हुनुभयो र रुन स्वकीय सचिवका दुःख बुबालाई धेरैले भेट्न खोज्नुहुन्छ एकथरि मान्छे बुबामाथि आक्रमण गर्न मलाई आक्रमण गरिरहेका छन् । मैले कहिल्यै प्रचण्डका छोराका रुपमा कसैसँग केही मागेको छैन । मैले आफ्नै हैसियतको दुरुपयोग गरेको छु भनेर कसैले भन्न पनि सकेको छैन । म सँधै लो प्रोफाइलमा बस्छु तैपनि मलाई निसाना बनाइको देखेर दिक्दार लाग्छ । राजनीतिमा न्याय भन्ने हुँदोरहेनछ, निर्दोष पनि 'बलिको बकरा' बन्नुपर्दो रहेछ ।
मलाई त बरु भरतपुरमा दाउरा खोज्न हिँड्दा नै । पार्टीको र देशको नेता भएपछि उहाँलाई भेट्न चाहनेहरू र उहाँले भेट्नुपर्नेहरू थुप्रै हुने नै भए । तर, हामीलाई समय मिलाउन साह्रै कठिन हुन्छ । कहिलेकाहीँ महत्त्व नबुझेर, नजानेर पनि हामीले ठीक मान्छेलाई ठीक समयमा भेटाउन सक्दैनौँ । त्यतिखेर अलि नमज्जा लाग्छ । भेट्न नपाउनेहरू रिसाउनु पनि ठीकै हो । बुबा प्रधानमन्त्री छँदा एकपटक एकजना महिलाले बुबालाई भेट्न साह्रै धेरै पटक फोन गर्नुभयो । हुन्छ, भनेर एक बिहान समय पनि मिलायौँ, तर त्यही बिहान बुबाको अर्को कार्यक्रम पर्‍यो । पछि ती महिलाले मिडियामै हामीलाई गाली गर्नुभयो । बाहिरबाट हेर्दा यिनीहरूले समय मिलाई दिएनन् भनेजस्तो हुन्छ, तर हाम्रा पनि समस्या हुन्छन् । विवाद गर्दिनँ, विवादमा पर्छु
कहिले फेसबुक कमेन्टका कारण, कहिले रक्सी खाएको भनेर र कहिले अरू नै कुरामा मलाई विवादमा ल्याइन्छ
। फेसबुकमा म आफूलाई लागेको लेख्छु । त्यो मैले प्रचण्डको छोरा भएर लेखेको होइन । म एउटा नागरिक हुँ र पार्टीको सदस्य पनि हुँ । म केवल प्रचण्डको छोरा मात्र होइन । त्यसैले मेरो कमेन्टलाई बुबासँग नजोड्न अनुरोध छ । बुबाले आफ्ना कुरा आफैँ भन्नुहुन्छ र उहाँको पार्टीले भन्छ । मैले किन भन्नपर्‍यो ? फेरि, मैले भनिदिएर बुबाको कुरा जनतामा कसरी पुग्छ र ?
रमाइलो लाग्थ्यो ।
from Naya Patrika daily news paper

Maoist party's income up by 58 per cent in 4 years

2012-01-22T23:11:00.000-08:00

Source: Maoist secretariat

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Jan 22: Financial statements of the UCPN (Maoist) reveal that the party´s income has increased by 58.4 percent to Rs 132 million and expenditure by 64.3 percent over the last four years.
Leaders said the major sources of income for the party are levies paid by party members, including lawmakers and ministers, and donations from those from outside the party.

The income and expenditure details of the past four years submitted by the UCPN (Maoist) to the Election Commission (EC) shows that the party had surplus income for three years, except for the period between 2009 and 2010 which saw a deficit of over Rs 2.7 million.

Amik Serchan, who is the party´s finance department chief, stated 2009 was a year of deficit as the party constructed and renovated buildings for its offices.

The details submitted by the party to EC, however, do not include the donations raised and the amount of money spent during the CA elections.

Officials at the party head office said all the branches of the party submitted the income and expenditure of the party during the CA election immediately after the polls.

Sherchan attributed the increase in the party´s income to merger of various small leftist parties with his party.

“The leaders of the small parties also donated to the party in cash and kind. Also, the membership fees led to an increase in the party´s income,” said Serchan.

The UCPN (Maoist) levies the party cadres for membership renewal and monthly charges.

Of the total money collected, the district committees keep 40 percent and the state committees 40 percent, while the rest of the 20 percent goes to the party headquarters.

The party raises Rs 10,000 from each of its lawmakers, and Rs 12,000 from parliamentary committee chiefs and government ministers per month. Altogether, the party raises Rs 30 million from lawmakers alone.

House that caught Dahal's fancy

2012-01-22T03:32:00.000-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Jan 22: On Saturday, Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal welcomed UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal as the first senior politician to visit his new residence in Lazimpat, Kathmandu.
Apart from discussing the mundane peace process, the two prominent players of nation politics also talked about the new residence that sprawls over three ropanis of land in the posh belt of Lazimpat.

Ever since the former rebels came above ground, the Dahal family had been staying in a three-story building in the congested Khusibu town-planning in Nayabazaar.

“The old residence was too congested and not appropriate in terms of security. So we finally moved into the new residence last Thursday,” said Samir Dahal, an aide to Chairman Dahal.

The Maoist chairman was planning move into a new location for the last two years. The state security officials had frequently advised Dahal to shift from the area that adjoins the tourist hotspot of Thamel.

“Even Girijababu [late NC president Girija Prasad Koirala] has asked the chairman to leave the building for security,” Samir Dahal stated.

According to him, at least three houses at different locations in Kathmandu had been identified and the Lazimpat house, which has 15 medium-sized rooms, finally caught Dahal´s fancy. “We okayed the deal after finding it appropriate from several different points of view,” said Samir who is also Dahal´s nephew.

According to Dahal´s aides, the new two-and-a-half storey house, which is located at a stone´s throw from Hotel Sangri-La, is spacious and quite safe from the point of view of security. It was renovated and expanded to suit the requirements of the Dahal family and a separate building was also constructed to shelter some 70 personnel for their security. There is also a table tennis court.

Altogether seven cars can be parked inside the walled residence with enough space to walk around. The vehicles of the VIPs, including the foreign dignitaries, had to be parked in the streets in front of the old residence due to lack of parking space inside.

Though the owners of the house could not be confirmed with certainty, Samir said that the Dahals struck a deal with the relatives of the owner who is said to be currently staying out of the country. “Before fixing the rent we have to take into account the house maintenance cost,” he said.

But an aide to Dahal told Republica that the new residence is expected to cost the party around Rs 103,000 a month. The party used to pay Rs 50,000 in rent for the old residence.

Wife Sita, daughter Ganga, son Prakas, daughter-in-law Srijana, granddaughter Smriti and grandson Prasiddha will be staying with Dahal in the new residence.
from myrepublica.com

प्रचण्ड ‘सुबिधा सम्पन्न’ नयाँ घरमा सरे

2012-01-20T00:05:00.000-08:00

५ माघ, काठमाण्डौ । माओवादी शान्ति प्रकृया आएदेखि नै नयाँ बजारमा वस्दै आएका अध्यक्ष प्रचण्ड लाजिम्पाटमा रहेको सानदार घरमा सरेका छन् । करिव दुई महिनादेखि चलिरहेको रंगरोगन र मर्मत सम्भार तथा नयाँबजारबाट सामान सार्ने काम सकिएपछि अध्यक्ष प्रचण्ड बिहीवार अपरान्ह नयाँ निवास लाजिम्पाट सर्नुभएको हो ।

लैनचौरबाट लाजिम्पाटतिर लाग्दा सांग्रिला होटल नपुग्दै करिव ५ मिटर अगाडीबाट दायाँपट्टी छिरेर करिव १ सय ५० मिटर अगाडी पुगेपछि नयाँ घरमा पुगिन्छ । कम्पाउण्डभित्र साढे दुई तले दुईवटा घर छन् । कम्पाउण्डमा सिलेट ढुंगा ओछ्याइएको छ भने परिसरमा बगैंचा पनि रहेको छ । दुवै घरमा गरि १५ कोठा रहेको र सवै कोठा उज्याला र घाम पर्ने रहेको बताइएको छ । दुईमध्ये एक घरमा प्रचण्डको परिवार वस्ने छ भने अर्को घरमा उनको निजी सचिवालय, त्यहाँ काम गर्ने कर्मचारी बताइएको छ । सुरक्षाकर्मीका लागि छेउको अर्को घरमा ब्यबस्था गरिएको छ ।

फराकिलो कम्पाउण्डमा आठदेखि १० वटासम्म गाडी पार्क गर्न सकिने बताइएको छ । नयाँबजारमा एउटामात्र गाडी अट्ने समस्याले गर्दा बिदेशी पाहुना र भेटन आउने आगन्तुकले सडकमै गाडी पार्किङ गर्नुपर्ने बाध्यता थियो ।

राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा रहेका माओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्ड खुला भएदेखि नै वस्दै आएको निवासबाट सरेपछि उनको सचिवालयका सदस्यलाई अबको केही समय उनलाई भेटन आउने नेता तथा बिदेशी पाहुनालाई लोकेसन दिंदाको हैरानी बेहोर्नुपर्नेछ ।

सो घर प्रचण्डकै पैसामा एक ब्यापारिका नाममा किनिएको हल्ला चलेपनि त्यो असत्य भएको भएको निजी सचिवालय बताउँछ । एक ब्यापारीको सहयोगमा सो घर भाडामा लिइएको र भाडा तिरेरै वस्न लागिएको नयाँ बजार स्रोतको दावी छ । प्रचण्डका सहयोगीहरुले नयाँ घरको मालिक र मासिक घरभाडाबारे भने खुलाउन चाहेनन् ।

from onlinekhabar.com

Bhattarai "rightist-revisionist", Dahal "shaky-centirst":Baidya group

2012-01-19T23:52:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Jan 20: As per their new organizational strategy, the Maoist hardliners will work to finish off the “rightist-revisionist trend” led by Vice-chairman Baburam Bhattarai, and drag Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who represents a “shaky centrist trend”, into the “revolutionary” fold.

The radicals led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya charted out the strategy following their patch-up with Dahal in the recently concluded Central Committee (CC) meeting.

In a separate cadre-orientation program in Kupandole on Wednesday, senior leaders of the party radical faction had directed the cadres to be ready for new roles in the changed circumstances.

“With the recent revolutionary intervention, the possibility of centrists [led by Dahal] joining the revolutionary trend has increased. So we should not do anything to harass or offend the chairman. Now we should solely strike against the rightist opportunist trend [led by Bhattarai],” a participant of the program quoted General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa as saying.

Thapa, who switched to Baidya faction lately, argued that the recently endorsed common proposal was a win-win for all in the party, but added that the new document is revolutionary in spirit.

The Maoist hardliner was of the opinion that the way the other political parties “backed by India” were shocked at the recent Maoist stance was ample proof that the party has taken a revolutionary path. “Outside the party, we should launch struggles against South [India] and West [America],” a cadre quoted Baidya.

He also argued that the party which was on the verge of split has transformed into a “joint front” and expressed confidence the party will be brought back onto the revolutionary track by May 28, the constitution drafting deadline.

Baidya, Netra Bikram Chand and Dev Gurung also spoke during the program.

According to the participants, Baidya told the cadres that the differences with the party establishment should be dealt with in a friendly manner in the wake of the “revolutionary line” endorsed by the recent central committee.

“Now there is no need to forge and implement parallel programs at the grassroots level,” a participant quoted Baidya. The Baidya faction has formed parallel committees and has been operating parallel programs at the grassroots level.

He argued that the central committee decision has shocked the “expansionists and imperialists” and the party will vociferously raise the issue of national sovereignty.

Party leader Chand had argued that the new intra-party dynamics has opened up new possibilities of split and unity and urged the revolutionaries to unite against the rightists and take the party ahead in a unified manner. He also told the cadres that the revolutionary line has become the official line of the party.

Gurung, on the other hand, had argued that the NC and UML “backed by the US and India” are for reviving the constitution of 1990, and stated that the revolutionaries should unite to frame a “people´s constitution”.

Compromise on peace, constitution a mistake: Dahal

2012-01-19T23:45:00.000-08:00

Maoist cadre-orientation --Newa and Tamsaling state committee --Khanna Garment, Lalitpur on Thursday

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Jan 20: Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal conceded at a closed-door party meeting on Thursday that he made a mistake in compromising with the parliamentary parties on the issues of peace and constitution, and pledged he would no longer enter into any such consensus against the party´s fundamental principles.
"The parliamentary parties humiliated us and tried to force their way through the peace and constitution drafting process, knowing full well that we were deeply divided. And that´s why we have taken a tough stance now," a Maoist leader quoted Dahal as saying during the cadre orientation program held at Khanna Garments.

Dahal said that after the NC and UML pushed hard on PLA integration and constitution drafting issues and sought compromises one after another, he asked party leaders including Janardan Sharma and Nanada Kishor Pun to speak up for "dignified integration" and a directly-elected presidential system of governance.

"And the strategy has really created panic in the NC and UML," a leader quoted Dahal as saying.

The leader of the former rebels also admitted that he has seriously violated the party´s fundamental principles while making compromises over peace and constitution drafting.

"There have been concessions on some issues, but it´s wrong to say I have compromised on all issues, violating the party´s fundamental principles. In fact, the most important issues are yet to be resolved," a participant quoted Dahal as further saying.

He told bemused cadres that the party is united on pushing for a "pro-people constitution that is anti-imperialist and anti-expansionist in nature" and fomenting an urban insurrection if the party fails in its endeavor.

The party began the cadre-orientation program Thursday and this will continue over the next two weeks. The objective is to inform cadres about the party´s latest strategy in the wake of the just concluded CC meeting.

At the program, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya told the cadres that the basis of party unity is twofold: To frame the constitution of a "people´s federal democratic republic that is anti-materialist and anti-expansionist in nature", and to prepare the ground for a revolt.

"The political line of federal democratic republic [forged by the Chunbang meeting] is no longer relevant. We have agreed to move beyond that, to a people´s federal democratic republic [the line passed by the Kharipati meeting]," a participant quoted Baidya as saying.

He called on Dahal to remain committed to the communist movement in Nepal and effect a revolution.

"Don´t try to become a statesman as the parliamentary parties urge you. Become the leader of the proletariat to lead a revolution," a participant quoted Baidya as telling Dahal.

Prime Minister Babauram Bhattarai, who ranks third in the party hierarchy, stated that the party will put in efforts to frame a pro-people constitution, and if that fails the party will naturally opt for a revolt to capture state power. He also told the cadres that he is ready to resign from the government whenever the party decides to recall him.

"But we should not quit the government front without a better options," a leader quoted Bhattarai as saying.

समायोजनमा बार्गेनिङ

2012-01-17T06:56:00.000-08:00

सरोज दाहाल
१५ कात्तिकमा लडाकुका सबै विषयमा सहमति गरेको एमाओवादी नेतृत्वले अहिले फेरि समायोजनमा जानेहरूका लागि नयाँ शर्त तेर्स्याएकाले शान्ति प्रक्रिया अघि बढ्न सकेको छैन। समायोजनतर्फ दर्जा, सङ्ख्या, मापदण्ड, तालिम र पुनर्स्थापनामा प्याकेजसम्मका विषयमा भएको सहमति उल्ट्याउँदै आफूखुसी दर्जा र अधिकृत सङ्ख्या सार्वजनिक गरेर ऊ अहिले लडाकुलाई आफ्नो राजनीतिक बार्गेनिङको हतियार बनाउँदैछ।
माओवादी नेतृत्वले एकातिर लडाकु कमाण्डर र दोस्रो तहका नेतालाई उपरथी (मेजर-जनरल)सम्मको दाबी गर्न लगाइरहेको छ भने भित्रभित्रै नेपाली सेना र अन्य राजनीतिक दलहरूलाई एक महासेनानी (कर्णेल) र तीन प्रमुख सेनानी (लेफ्टिनेन्ट-कर्णेल) सहित अधिकृत तहमा समायोजन गर्न १३२ जनाको सूची बुत्एको छ।

सातवटै शिविरका कमाण्डरले आन्तरिक रूपमा छनोट गरेर नेतृत्वलाई सुम्पेको सूची उसले अन्य राजनीतिक दल र सेनालाई दिएको हो। बिग्रेड सह-कमाण्डरदेखि माथिका लडाकु समावेश गरिएको सूचीमा सबैभन्दा बढी तेस्रो शिविर शक्तिखोर चितवनका २७ र सबैभन्दा कम पाँचौँ शिविर रोल्पाका १० जना छन् (हे.बक्स)। वर्ष, शिक्षा, भर्ना मितिसहितको यो सूची एकदमै गोप्य रूपमा निश्चित व्यक्तिहरूको हात-हातमा पुर्‍याइएको छ।
माओवादीले महासेनानीमा शक्तिखोरका कमाण्डर धनबहादुर मास्के (राजेश) तथा प्रमुख सेनानीमा शुकबहादुर रोका मगर (शरद), यामबहादुर अधिकारी (प्रतीक्षा) र तेजबहादुर वली (प्रतीक) को नाम प्रस्ताव गरेको छ। समायोजनमा सबैभन्दा ठूलो पदमा पुर्‍याउन खोजिएका ३५ वर्षीय मास्केले प्रमाणपत्र तह उत्तीर्ण गरेका छन्। त्यस्तै, प्रमुख सेनानीमा सिफारिस गरिएका ४२ वर्षीय रोका मगर, ३९ वर्षीय अधिकारी र ३७ वर्षीय वली पनि प्रमाणपत्र तह उत्तीर्ण नै हुन्। रोका मगर बाहेक सबैको माओवादी लडाकुमा भर्ना भएको मिति हिंसात्मक आन्दोलन शुरु भएको दिन १ फागुन २०५२ उल्लेख छ।
समायोजनमा जान तयार लडाकुहरू, पार्टीको केन्द्रीय सदस्य समेत रहेका मास्केले पहिलेदेखि आफू भोलिको जनरल (उपरथी) हो भन्दै आएकाले उनी महासेनानीमा जाने सम्भावना कम देख्छन्। उनीहरूको भनाइमा मास्केलाई पार्टीको जिम्मेवारी पनि भएकाले अधिकारीलाई त्यो पदमा पठाइने सम्भावना बढी छ र छलफल पनि त्यसैमा केन्द्रित भएको छ। एक बिग्रेड कमाण्डर भन्छन्, “म जनरल हुन्छु भनेर शुरुमै भन्थे, खै सेखी र्झ्ने गरी कर्णेल त के बन्लान् र!”
सूची बुझाए पनि दर्जा, तालिम अवधि र शैक्षिक योग्यतामा सहमति भएको छैन। समायोजनपछि हुने तालिम ९ देखि १८ महिनाको हुनुपर्ने व्यवस्था नेपाली सेनामा छ भने ६ महिनामा सिद्ध्याउनुपर्ने प्रस्ताव माओवादीले गरेको छ जुन नेपाली सेना स्वीकार्न तयार छैन। त्यस्तै अनमिनले दर्ता गरेको बेलाको नभई पछिल्लो शैक्षिक योग्यता मान्नुपर्ने माओवादी तर्कमा पनि सहमति बनेको छैन। पुरानो भर्ना मिति र नयाँ शैक्षिक योग्यतालाई मान्यता दिन प्राविधिक कठिनाइ हुने नेपाली सेनाको अडानलाई समर्थन गरेका काङ्ग्रेस र एमालेले यी विषय १५ कात्तिकको सहमतिसँगै सकिएकाले अहिले उठाउनु निरर्थक भएको बताएका छन्।
स्वेच्छिक अवकाश र समायोजनका सबै विषयमा एकैपटक सहमति भइसकेको लडाकुहरू पनि स्विकार्छन्। स्वेच्छिक अवकाश रोजेका तेस्रो डिभिजन सहायक कमाण्डर उदयबहादुर चलाउने (दीपक) स्वेच्छिक अवकाश रोजेकालाई तत्काल रकम उपलब्ध गराएर शिविरबाट निस्कने वातावरण बनाउनुपर्ने बताउँछन्। “समायोजनमा जाने कि स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा भन्दा अवकाश ठीक मानेर हामी निस्किएका हौं”, उनी भन्छन्, “पहिला मेजरसम्म सम्झौता गर्ने अनि अहिले जनरल मागेर
हुन्छ? अहिले समायोजनमा जानेको लागि जनरल र ब्रिगेडियरको लागि बार्गेनिङ गर्ने हो भने स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जानेको लागि चाहिँ बार्गेनिङ गर्नुपर्दैन?”
उनको भनाइमा अहिले मागिएको दर्जा कुनै हालतमा पूरा हुनसक्दैन र त्यो मागका लागि आफूहरूलाई शिविरमै राखिरहने कुरा स्वेच्छिक अवकाश रोज्नेहरूले धेरै दिनसम्म सहँदैनन्। उनको भनाइबाट प्रस्ट हुन्छ, माओवादीले स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जाने लडाकुलाई समायोजनमा जानेहरूका लागि बार्गेनिङको र समायोजनमा जाने लडाकुलाई आफ्नो राजनीतिक स्वार्थपूर्तिको हतियार बनाइरहेको छ।

पहिलो शिविर, चुलाचुली, इलाम (२० जना)
डिभिजन कमाण्डर, यामबहादुर अधिकारी (प्रतीक्षा) (३९)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, हरिबहादुर श्रेष्ठ (प्रमोद) (४२)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, रामबाबु थापा (सङ्ग्राम) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सुमिता दाहाल (सुनिता) (२६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, किशोरप्रसाद सापकोटा (असिम) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, रामबहादुर बस्नेत (श्रवण) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दीर्घ बिष्ट (नेपेरु) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सुरेश तामाङ (सुनसान) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, अमरबहादुर विक (सरोज) (३८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, भरतकुमार आङबुहाङ (लिम्बू) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दीपेन्द्र भण्डारी (दीपेश) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, ढालबहादुर लामिछाने (विक्रम) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नेत्रप्रसाद न्यौपाने (नरेश) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, इन्द्र प्रधान (ईश्वर) (२९)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नारायण सुवेदी (नरेश) (३१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, अमृतबहादुर आचार्य (उमेश) (३३)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, गणेशकुमार प्रधान (शिव) (३७)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, कमानसिंह मोक्तान (मिलन) (३७)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, देवबहादुर ओली (अशोक) (३७)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, मानबहादुर शर्मा (सन्तोष) (३१)

दोस्रो शिविर, दुधौली, सिन्धुली (२१ जना)
डिभिजन कमाण्डर, शुकबहादुर रोका मगर (शरद) (४२)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, पदमबहादुर तामाङ (सञ्जिव) (३५)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, गोपाल पाण्डे (उत्तम) (३५)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, रामबहादुर लामा (विवेक) (३३)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, वीरबहादुर घर्तीमगर (वियोग) (३८)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, भीम खड्का (सन्तोष) (३५)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, हेमकुमार राई (शूरवीर) (३५)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, कृतिबहादुर पुन (प्रकाण्डसिङ) (४१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, प्रेमकुमार राई (प्रकाश) (२७)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, खड्गबहादुर रजनमगर (धिरज) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, मातृकाप्रसाद भट्टराई (वसन्त) (३६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दुधराज योञ्जन (निर्मल) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, कृष्ण श्रेष्ठ (सुनिल) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, शम्भुप्रसाद देवकोटा (सरोज) (३६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, ज्ञानबहादुर माझ्ी (विवेक) (४४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सूर्यकुमार गुभाजु (प्रवेश) (३७)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, श्यामसुन्दर श्रेष्ठ (विवेक) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, ज्ञानेन्द्रबहादुर गुरुङ (कसम) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, ताराबहादुर पुनमगर (रोहित) (२७)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, पदमबहादुर अस्थानी (शरण) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, लालवीर विक (अशोक) (४०)

तेस्रो शिविर, शक्तिखोर, चितवन (२७ जना)
डिभिजन कमाण्डर, धनबहादुर मास्के (राजेश) (३५)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, जनकबहादुर बिष्ट (कुवेर) (४१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, गोविन्दबहादुर बटाला (जीवित) (३८)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, दीपक शाही (सुरेश) (३१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, ऋषिकेश बुढा (सविन) (३६)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, ओमबहादुर घलान (प्रदीप) (३०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, दिबहादुर विक (विनोद) (३६)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, टुकबहादुर थापा (अर्जुन) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, खिमबहादुर बुढाथोकी (गुराँस) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, डम्बरबहादुर थामी (अनुपम) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दुर्गालाल पुन (कञ्चन) (३९)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, देवबहादुर बुढाथोकी (अजय) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नन्दकिशोर बुढामगर (घर्षण) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सुशीला गौतम (सुष्मा) (३३)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नुमकान्त आचार्य (विनोद) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सुशीलाकुमारी शर्मा (सिर्जना) (३३)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, युवराज दुलाल (शरद) (२९)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, वीरेन्द्र वि.एम. (मञ्जिल) (४३)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, सरल सहयात्री पौडेल (सरल) (३०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, प्रकाश जि.एम. (अविरल) (३६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, निर्मल जि.सी. (निर्मल) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, लालसिंह बुढा (प्रकाश) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, धनञ्जय शर्मा (रमेश) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, अनन्तकुमार डाँगी (अशोक) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, मणि थापा (गोपाल) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, ईश्वर सापकोटा (सुमन) (३३)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, शङ्कर बोहरा (निर्मल) (२९)

चौथो शिविर, झ्याल्टुङडाँडा, परासी (२१ जना)
डिभिजन कमाण्डर, तेजबहादुर वली (प्रतीक) (३७)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, वासुदेव घिमिरे (पावेल) (३४)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, क्लबहादुर नाथ (महान) (४१)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, दलजित श्रीपाली (प्रशान्त) (४०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, वीरबहादुर कुँवर (सुरेश पहाडी) (३२)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, ओमप्रसाद पौडेल (रमेश) (३०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, नरेन्द्र पाण्डे (जेम्स) (३४)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, कमला नहर्की (सपना) (३१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, जयवीर घर्ती (जेनी) (३५)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, अन्जानकुमार तिमल्सिना (सङ्घर्ष) (४२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, हरिलाल ध्यार (सुरेश) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, पूर्णा थापा (कुशल रक्षा) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, कविराम बस्नेत (कास्मिर) (३१)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, राजु शर्मा (प्रशान्त) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, पारसमणि पौडेल (आकाश) (४३)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, मानबहादुर रोकाया (शक्ति) (२९)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, पुनबहादुर विक (सङ्घर्ष) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, डम्बरसिंह ठकुरी (सुदिप) (३७)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, इन्द्रबहादुर गौतम (आदर्श) (३७)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, गोपालसिंह बोहरा (पिण्ड) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, पोष्टबहादुर बुढा (रणदीप) (४०)

पाँचौं शिविर, दहवन, रोल्पा (१० जना)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, राजबहादुर बुढा (अविनाश) (४६)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, दीपेन्द्र Bahadur Shah (Yugant) (३२)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, हीरालाल चौधरी (बज्र) (३३)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, हिम्मत (ध्र्रुव) (३१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, जगतबहादुर पुन (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, परिमाण बुढा (रायन) (३३)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सर्वजित घर्ती मगर (योद्धा) (३४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, कमल घर्ती मगर (मधुकर) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, टेकबहादुर खड्का (भुवन) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, खगेश्वर शर्मा (मुक्ति) (३३)

छैठौं शिविर, दशरथपुर, सुर्खेत (१५ जना)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, महेन्द्रबहादुर शाही (प्रज्ज्वल)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, नरबहादुर पुन (तारा) (४४)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, गोगनबहादुर मल्ल (युनाइटेड) (२९)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नवीन पाण्डे (कैलाश) (३६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, पद्मबहादुर खड्का (सुवास) (३२)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, ग्ाङ्गाबहादुर घर्ती (सूर्य) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दामोदर अधिकारी (सम्भव) (३०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, वीरबहादुर रावत (सौगात) (२९)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, सूर्यबहादुर केसी (जिज्ञासु) (४४)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, नन्दबहादुर बोहोरा (जोखिम) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, प्रदीप तामाङ (दीपक लामा) (३०)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, रत्नबहादुर शाही (आशुतोष)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, विष्णुप्रसाद बराल (विजय) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दीपक बस्नेत (उमेश) (३६)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, मुनबहादुर बुढा (चुनौती) (२९)

सातौं शिविर, तालबन्द, कैलाली (१८ जना)
डिभिजन कमाण्डर, सन्तकुमार दरई (परवाना) (४५)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, वीरेन्द्र बुढा (जीवन) (३४)
डिभिजन सहकमाण्डर, नेपबहादुर चौधरी (सिंहराज) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, शान्तबहादुर बस्नेत (क्रान्ति) (३५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दमनबहादुर बटाला (विश्वजीत) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, प्रेमबहादुर कटुवाल (वीरवल)(३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, इन्द्रभक्त महर्जन (रुपक)(३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, विद्या देवकोटा (महानता)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, विर्खबहादुर महतरा (विनर) (४५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, कलकबहादुर खड्का (गम्भीर)(३४)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, देवेन्द्र पुन मगर (निरन्तर) (२५)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, नन्दबहादुर साउद (राजेन्द्र) (४३)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दण्डविक्रम बिष्ट (मित्रसेन) (३२)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, दलसिंह नाथ योगी (सुन्दर) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, हरिप्रसाद थारू (विजय) (३१)
ब्रिगेड कमाण्डर, प्रचारबहादुर शाही (सेवक) (२८)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, देवबहादुर बोहरा (सुवास) (३०)
ब्रिगेड सहकमाण्डर, लालबहादुर रोकाया (तुफान) (३२)
(कोष्ठभित्र उल्लेखित अङ्क सम्बन्धित व्यक्तिको उमेर हो।)
from Himal Khabar Patrika

We won't join Bhattarai-led govt: Baidya faction

2012-01-12T04:14:00.000-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Jan 12: Senior leaders of the Maoist radical faction have countered the claim of the party establishment that they are joining the current coalition led by Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai and urged the people not to be misled by such reports.

Leaders close to Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya say Dahal was positive about recalling Bhattarai from the government during the meeting on Tuesday and that they were surprised over media reports about them joining the government.
“I was taken back when I heard that. I urge the people not to be misled by such stories,” said party standing committee Netra Bikram Chand from the Baidya faction.

Chand, who is Baidya´s strongman, said his faction has demanded a thorough review of the “anti-national” four-point deal with the Madhes-based parties that led to the formation of the current coalition, adding that there is no point in joining the Bhattarai-led government. “We are yet to discuss this issue in detail. So people should not be misled by such a fabricated story,” Chand said.

Leaders from the Bhattarai faction on Wednesday had quoted Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal as telling them during a meeting that plans were afoot to bring the Baidya faction aboard the current coalition. “It would be a great injustice to us if you even think that I could have agreed to change the government,” a leader had quoted Dahal as telling them.

But the party radicals vehemently opposed the claim. “What you have heard is part of conspiracy to tarnish our image as power mongers and mislead the masses and the party cadres. It is against our understanding with the chairman and if he had really made such a statement, it is unfortunate,” said Khadga Bahadur Bishwakarma from the Baidya faction.

Party Secretary CP Gajurel also said that the faction won´t join the government formed on the basis of four-point deal.

During the meeting on Monday, Baidya and Dahal had agreed to withhold the document of peace and constitution floated by Dahal and that of immediate revolt proposed by Baidya, endorse common political programs as per the ´revolutionary spirit´ of the Palungtar plenum, and run “discussion forums” on the ideological differences to be resolved at a general convention.

They had also reached an understanding to mobilize the masses for a “pro-people” constitution and “dignified” integration of the PLA personnel, and foment an urban insurrection if the party fails in its endeavor.

Meanwhile, the party could not hold its scheduled Central Committee (CC) meeting saying Dahal is yet to write down the common political proposal. “Perhaps we will finalize the proposal Thursday evening or Friday morning,” said Bishwakarma.
from http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=40679

राउटे पनि गुट-उपगुट

2012-01-05T01:33:00.000-08:00

दुर्गालाल केसी

Ain Bahadur Shahi and Main Bahadur Shahi

बाघमारे (दाङ) , पुस २१ - मुखिया मैनबहादुर शाहीलाई अहिले 'जनता' परिचालन गर्न निकै कठिन भएको छ । सधैं खुसी भएर जनताको नेतृत्व गर्ने मुखिया निकै उदास र निराश देखिन्छन् । वर्षौंदेखि मुखियाको आदेशमा चल्ने राउटे जाति एक वर्षदेखि एकताबद्ध छैन । उनीहरूले आदेश मान्न छाडेका छन् ।
'अब जनताले भनेको मान्न छाड्यो । मैले जिम्मेवारी पूरा गर्न पाएको छैन । अधिकार प्रयोग गर्न गाह्रो भएको छ,' उनले भने, 'पहिले जस्तो अवस्था छैन । जनता विभिन्न समूहमा बाँडिन थालेका छन् । अन्य राउटेहरू पनि नेता बन्न खोजेकाले समस्या भएको छ ।' गत वर्ष मुखिया ऐनबहादुर शाहीलाई अनियमितता गरेको भन्दै पदबाट हटाएपछि राउटेमा विभाजन सुरु भएको हो । ऐनबहादुरले अहिलेसम्म पनि आफूलाई मुखिया दाबी गर्दै आएका छन् । केही राउटेको भेलाले गत साल मैनबहादुरलाई मुखिया चयन गर्‍यो तर असन्तुष्ट ऐनबहादुर पक्षधर त्यसमा सहमत भएनन्् । त्यही असहमतिबाट सुरु भएको विभाजन अहिले विभिन्न गुटमा पुगेको छ ।

'मलाई असहयोग भएको छ । पूर्व मुखियाले छुट्टै गुट बनाएको छ । मैले भनेको मानेको छैन,' मुखिया मैनबहादुरले भने, 'जनता पनि उनीसँगै विभिन्न गुटमा बाँडिएका छन् ।' ऐनबहादुरले मैनबहादुरको अस्तित्व स्विकारेका छैनन् । मुखियाबाट सर्वसाधारण जनतामा झारिएपछि ऐनबहादुर आक्रोशित छन् । सहरका विभिन्न ठाउँबाट सहयोगबापत लिएको रकम जनतालाई नबाँडेर एक्लै खाएको आरोपमा ऐनबहादुरलाई गत फागुनमा मुखियाबाट हटाइएको थियो ।

उनले घोराहीका सरकारी कार्यालयहरूबाट संकलन गरेको सहयोग रकममा अनियमितता गरेको राउटेहरूको आरोप छ । कार्यालय प्रमुखहरूलाई पैसा उठाउन लगाएर उनले कात्तिक ८ गते ४० हजार रुपैयाँ लिएका थिए । माघमा तुलसीपुरमा सञ्चालित पर्यटन मेलाबाट सहयोगस्वरूप मोबाइल सेटलगायत केही जिन्सी पनि पाएका थिए । ती सबै सामानमा अनियमितता भएको थाहा पाएपछि राउटेहरूको भेलाले ऐनबहादुरलाई हटाई मैनबहादुरलाई मुखिया चुनेको थियो ।

'अरू मुखिया भएको थाहा छैन । मुखिया म नै हो । सबै अधिकार मेरै छ,' तर, ऐनबहादुर भन्छन्, 'कसैले मैनबहादुरलाई बनायो होला, त्यो हामीलाई थाहा छैन ।' ऐनबहादुरकै अस्तित्व स्विकार्ने पाका राउटेहरू पनि छन् जसले उनलाई सघाइरहेका छन् । 'ऐनबहादुरलाई मुखिया भन्नेहरू पनि धेरै छन्,' सहायक मुखिया धनबहादुर शाहीले भने, 'उसले पनि काम गरिरहेको छ । नयाँ मुखियालाई सबैले मानेको छैन ।'

मैनबहादुर र ऐनबहादुरमा बाँडिएको गुटबन्दी नेपालका राजनीतिक दलहरू झैं अन्य विभिन्न उपगुटमा पनि विभाजन हुन थालेको छ । आधिकारिक रूपमा मैनबहादुर मुखिया भए पनि सहायक मुखिया चुनिएका धनबहादुर शाही, दिलबहादुर शाही र सुर्जेनारायण शाही पनि आफूलाई मुखिया दाबी गर्न थालेका छन् ।

'म पनि मुखिया हो । मैले पनि काम गरिरहेको छु,' धनबहादुरले भने, 'एउटाले भनेको मान्नुपर्छ भन्ने छैन ।' वर्षौंदेखि नियममा बस्दै आएका राउटेहरू किन यसरी गुट-उपगुटमा विभाजन हुन थालेको होलान् त ? राउटेको अवस्था अध्ययन गर्न बाघमारेको राउटे बस्तीमा पुगेका गीतकार तथा स्थानीय विकास अधिकारी रमेश क्षितिज भन्छन्, 'पहिलो कुरा त जंगलमा आफ्नै तरिकाले सिकार खेल्दै बाँच्दै आएका राउटेहरूले पहिलोपटक पैसा पाउन थाले, मागेर सहयोग पाउन थाले । त्यसपछि उनीहरूमा स्वार्थको भावना बढ्दै गयो । यसले अरूलाई नमान्ने अवस्था आयो ।'

देशको राजनीतिले पनि प्रभाव पारेको क्षितिजको ठम्याइ छ । 'जब राउटेहरूले राजधानी पुग्ने, सहर नजिक पुग्ने, देशको राजनीति सुन्ने अवसर पाए, यसले उनीहरूमा अराजकता गर्न सकिने वातावरण बनाइदियो,' उनले भने, 'सत्ता र शक्तीका लागि राजधानी बस्ने राजनीतिक दलहरू मात्रै होइन, जंगल घुम्ने राउटेहरू समेत गुटको सिकार हुँदा रहेछन् भन्ने गतिलो उदाहरण यो घटना भएको छ । तर, गुटबन्दीले राउटेहरूको हित गर्दैन । जंगलमा मिलेर हिँड्न कठिन हुन सक्छ ।'

from http://www.ekantipur.com/np/2068/9/21/full-story/340739.html

Will Maoist factionalism impact peace?

2012-01-05T00:32:00.000-08:00


	POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN KATHMANDU, Jan 5: For nearly two weeks now, the Maoist rival factions have been fiercely condemning each other at the ongoing Central Committee meeting for straying from the “correct revolutionary track” and violating the communist organizational principle of “democratic centralism”, but the tough questions await answers. First, how will the party conclude the ongoing meeting amidst the seemingly unbridgeable ideological chasm and what will be the fate of party unity? And second -- perhaps even more importantly -- what will be the repercussions of the factionalism in the largest party on the larger political scene? Sources say party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has already appealed to the party radical faction to agree on common immediate programs and conduct “forums” for ideological dissent until a general convention is held. “After all, they [hardliners] are also not opposed to the idea of peace and constitution; there is space for reconciliation and we are seriously making attempts for that,” says Maoist leader Agni Sapkota, who is close to Dahal. But Dahal’s call has only angered the hardliners led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya. They construe the proposal merely as a ploy to drag the party into parliamentary politics, and have put forward mainly two conditions for reconciliation. First, the chairman should bat for a “People’s Constitution”, replacing the incumbent prime minister, Baburam Bhattarai, with some other party leader; and secondly, settle the other organizational issues including party finances and internal power sharing. Both options are equally unacceptable for Chairman Dahal. “Completion of the peace and constitution, which is also the official party line, is the need of the hour and there can be no turning back. Nor will the prime minister resign,” says party leader Shakti Basnet, who is also close to Dahal. Constrained by the looming CA deadline, Chairman Dahal, party leaders say, is not in a position to remain undecided over the two different political documents presented by himself and Baidya at the current meeting. This will obviously lead to the second option for Dahal: endorse his document through a majority vote, as suggested by his clique. “They can either reconcile, or register their dissent and even take the ideological disputes among the masses as per party discipline. The party cannot move ahead with two political lines,” says Basnet. But will the hardliners just register their dissent and obey the party line of the majority as per the “Leninist principle”? “No way,” says party leader Khadga Bahadur Bishwakarma, who is close to Baidya. According to him, the party stands at a “specific historical phase” where it has two clear lines -- revisionist and revolutionary. “We cannot accept any victory of the revisionist line through a sham majority vote,” adds Bishwakarma. What then will the hardliners do if Dahal forces his way through the Central Committee by endorsing his document by majority vote? “We won’t obey such a decision. We will formulate our own political programs and reach out to the people. They want us to either kneel down before the party establishment or split the party. But we are against both,” says Kul Prasad KC, another leader close to Baidya. But Dahal is not in a mood to take any disciplinary action against the hardliners even if they go their own way, violating party discipline. ‘One thing is for sure. The chairman will not take any action against them as that will only trigger an immediate split. Who wants to take on the stigma of having split the party?” says Haribol Gajurel who is close to Dahal. If that is so, the party will neither split nor remain united in the immediate future, but run into more serious confrontations, with the Baidya faction running their own party within the party. Finally, what will be the repercussions on the overall peace process? Leaders are not sure, but fear that disobedience of party decisions by the hardliners may create a new political configuration, making the constitution drafting process more difficult. Last month, around 90 CA members close to Baidya foiled an all-party agreement to form a panel for state restructuring by aligning themselves with the Janajati caucus, and they may well create new power equations by siding with different interests of the faction-ridden political parties in the CA. The Baidya faction believes that the way the peace process is moving ahead is sure to turn their party into “another CPN-UML” and is bent on disrupting that process. “Then they should take the responsibility for the ensuing chaos in the country,” argues Maoist leader Kumar Paudel from the party establishment. But that’s what just the hardliners want in order to foment an urban insurrection for state capture. From : http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=40407

टुक्रेर जोडिएको जीवन

2012-01-03T22:55:00.000-08:00

भोजराज भाटभोजराज भाट

"उकाली-ओराली गरौँ भने खुट्टा सद्दे छैनन्। युद्धकालको चिनो अर्थात् घँुडाको गोली अझै ननिस्किँदा सामान्य हिँडडुलबाहेक केही गर्न सक्दिनँ। हातपाखुराले केही गरौँ भने पनि दुवै हात अपांग छन्। दायाँ हात पूरै काटिएको छ भने बायाँ हातले कुटोकोदालो समाउन मिल्दैन। राम्रोसँग जुँगादारी काट्यो भने गालाभर िछर्राका दाग अझै देखिन्छन्," डँुडो हात उठाउँदै उनी भन्छन्, "छाम्नूस् त सर, यो छर्रा बारम्बार चसक्क बिझिरहन्छ। यसलाई कसरी निकाल्ने होला ?" घुँडा र आँखामा अप्रेसन गरेर निकालौँ भने सबैले भन्छन्, तपाइर्ंलाई एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको छ, अप्रेसन गरेपछि त घाउ निको हुँदैन। झन् पीडादायी भएर मर्नुहुन्छ।"

डोटी, दिपायलका वीरबहादुर दासको अनुहार हेर्दा लाग्छ, उनले ५० को नेटो काटिसकेका छन्। तर, उनको उमेर ३३ पनि नाघेको छैन। घरपरविार, समाज र आफ्नै पार्टीका सहयोद्धाबाट गरनिे व्यवहारले उनलाई दिनप्रतिदिन निरास बनाएको छ। "सबैको व्यवहारले झन् बढी चिन्ता थपिने गर्छ," निन्याउरो मुद्रामा उनी भन्छन्, "एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको मान्छेलाई माया गर्नुपर्छ, हौसला दिनुपर्छ भन्थे तर मैले कसैबाट पनि त्यस्तो व्यवहार पाइनँ।" वीरबहादुर एक सातायता कैलाली, तालबन्दस्थित सातौँ डिभिजन मुख्यालयभित्र बस्ने गरेका छन्। सेना समायोजन विशेष समितिसमक्ष आफ्नो पुनःवर्गीकरण गर्न उनी यहाँ आइपुगेका हुन्। तर, माओवादीको जनमुक्ति सेनासँग हिजोआज कुनै साइनो जोडिएको छैन। उनलाई डेढ वर्षअघि सातौँ डिभिजनले औपचारकि रूपमै निष्कासन गरसिकेको छ। राज्यबाट पाउने स्वैच्छिक अवकाश रकमको लोभमा उनी ३ मंसिरदेखि पुनः मुख्य शिविरमा बस्न थालेका हुन्।

दलित परविारमा जन्मेका वीरबहादुर सानैदेखि खच्चड व्यवसायमा लागे। दिपायलबाट कहिले अछाम, कहिले डोटी त कहिले बझाङका दुर्गम गाउँसम्म रासनपानी पुर्‍याउँथे। द्वन्द्व चर्किने क्रममा उनले ठाउँठाउँमा माओवादी कार्यकर्ता भेटे। उनीहरूका कुरा सुन्दा वीरबहादुर प्रभवित हुन थाले। "माओवादी कताकता आफ्नै जातिको हितमा लडेजस्तो लाग्थ्यो," उनी ती दिन र परविेश सम्भिmन्छन्, "कार्यकर्तासँग कुरा हुँदै गर्दा आफ्नो वर्गको हितका निम्ति आफ्नो ज्यान जान्छ भने पनि ठीकै छ भनेर म माओवादीमा प्रवेश गरँे।" डोटीको लामिखालबाट उनी माओवादीले चलाएको अभियानमा जोडिन पुगे। केही सोध्दै नसोधी नेताले रातो टीका लगाइदिँदा वीरबहादुरलाई अचम्म पनि लाग्यो। उनी सीधै छापामार दस्तामा सहभागी भए। खुकुरीको सामान्य ज्ञान मात्र भएका उनी पहिलो लडाइँ खड्यौलीमा लडे। त्यसपछि उनी सुर्खेत गए, त्यहाँबाट फकिर्ंदा पन्डौनको भिडन्तमा परे। लगत्तैको वनखेत भिडन्त होस् या कोहलपुरको टावर आक्रमण गर्न उनी अग्रपंक्तिमै खटिएका थिए। धनगढी कारागार आक्रमण गर्न जाँदा खाना पुर्‍याउने जिम्मेवारी दिइएको थियो उनलाई। रुकुमको खारा आक्रमणमा पनि सहभागी भए। त्यहाँबाट फकिर्ंदा सुदूरपश्चिमकै अन्तिम भिडन्तका रूपमा चिनिएको कैलाली-शंकरपुर आक्रमणमा सहभागी हुँदै गर्दा नेपाली सेनासँग भिडन्त भयो। हुन त उनीसँग ४२ वटा राइफलका बुलेट थिए, ती हानेर सिद्धाए, १७ वटा डिस्चार्ज कप पनि सिद्धिए। उनीसँग रहेका दुईवटा गि्रनेट फ्याँक्नका लागि एक हातले पिन थुतेर यसो के बसेका थिए, ठीक त्यही बेला दाहिने कुहिनामा गोलीको छर्रा लाग्यो। गि्रनेट चार्ज भइहाल्यो। र, त्यही विस्फोट हुनपुग्यो। "म त त्यहीँ ढलिहालेँ तर अरू साथीलाई क्षति हुन्छ भनेर म ऐय्यासमेत नभनी त्यत्तिकै भुइँमा लडिरहेँ। मलाई शंका लागिरहेको थियो, मेरो हात गयो कि भनेर, नभन्दै हो रहेछ।" उनी घाइते हुँदाखेरीको क्षण स्मरण गर्छन्, "भुइँमा तातोपानी बगेको आभास भयो, कतै मेरै रगत हो कि भन्ने शंका गरेँ। दायाँ हातको हत्केलाबाट पानीको छहरा बगेझैँ गरी रगत बगिरहेको थियो। यसो यताउति हेरेँ, निकैबेरसम्म कोही आएनन्। आफैँले सकीनसकी स्क्रुलिङ् गर्दै अलि परसम्म घिसि्रने प्रयास गरेँ तर त्यहीँ ढलिहालेँ।" लगत्तै कालीकोटका किरणले उनलाई घिसारेर अलिपरसम्म पुर्‍याए। त्यसपछि तत्कालीन बटालियन कमिसार प्रेम आएर उनको घाइते अवस्था हेरे।

वीरबहादुर घाइते हुँदा खल्तीमा पानीको बोतल थियो, मुम्बई जाँदा सिकेको ड्राइभिङ् लाइसेन्स पनि त्यहीँनजिकै झरेको थियो। उनलाई केही दिन पार्टीभित्रै उपचार गर्ने प्रयास गरयिो। नसकेपछि भारततिर लैजाने भन्दै बोर्डरनजिक पुर्‍याइयो। सुरक्षाका कारण केही दिन बोर्डर आसपासमा बस्नुपर्‍यो। जसोतसो रातारात भारतको लखिमपुर लगियो। त्यहाँ पनि राम्रोसँग उपचार हुनसकेन। भारतीय डाक्टरको सिफारसिमा पन्जाबको जालन्धर पुगे उनी। जालन्धरमा रगत चेक हुँदा उनलाई एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको पत्ता लाग्ोपछि रक्ताम्य भएका वीरबहादुरको उपचार गर्न अस्पतालले मानेन। डिस्चार्ज गरििदयो। तर, उनलाई त्यसबारे केही भनिएको थिएन। लुकीलुकी हिँड्नुपर्ने अवस्था थियो। गौरी भन्ने साथीको सवारी सहयोगले उनी फेर िलखिमपुरतिर फर्किने भए। मेनरोडबाट हिँड्दा चेकअप हुने खतरा थियो, त्यसैले उनीहरूको भ्यान छड्के बाटो हरद्विार हुँदै फर्कियो। वीरबहादुरको भाग्य पनि कस्तो, बाटोबाट आउँदै गर्दा राती नै उनको भ्यान ट्रयाक्टरसँग जुध्योे। उसै त घाइते थिए, त्यसैमा थप थलिए उनी। उनको उपचारका लागि खटिएका दुई जना पनि सिकिस्तै भए। प्रहरीलाई बोलाऊँ आफँै फसिएला भन्ने डर, नबोलाऊँ ट्रयाक्टरले भ्यानसमेत किचिदिँदा आफ्नो ड्राइभरसमेत घाइते भएको अवस्था। वीरबहादुरको हड्डीको एकछेउमा छर्रा देखिइरहेको थियो। त्यसलाई रुमालले बाँधेर लुकाइयो। त्यत्तिकैमा गाउँलेहरू जम्मा भए। उनीहरूले प्रहरी बोलाए। भारतीय प्रहरीले उल्टै घाइते किन भयो भनेर छानबिन गर्न थाले। वीरबहादुरको हात र खुट्टा आरा मिलमा किचिएको बहानामा बल्लतल्ल कुरा मिलाइयो। प्रहरीकै भ्यानमा उनीहरू हरद्विार पुगे। त्यहाँबाट लखिमपुर पुगे। लखिमपुरमा उनको दायाँ हात चटक्कै काटियो। र, नेपाल पठाइयो। त्यतिबेलासम्म साथीभाइले उनलाई एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको सुइँकोसमेत दिएका थिएनन्। कैलालीको उत्तरी जंगलतिर आइपुग्दासम्म आफ्नै साथीभाइले बेवास्ता गरेको महसुस हुन थाल्यो, उनलाई। बाटोमा हिँड्दै गर्दा उनी दुई दिन लगातार भिज्न पुगे। घाउ पाक्न थाल्यो तर उपचारतिर आफ्नै सहयोद्धाले त्यति ध्यान दिएनन्। हातमा कीरा पर्न थाल्यो। त्यतिखेर प्राथमिक उपचारको सामान्य ज्ञानसमेत नरहेका कञ्चनपुरका उज्ज्वल चौधरीले उनको घाउ सफा गर्ने काममा निकै सघाए। उनले सकिनसकी ड्रेसिङ् गरििदन्थे। त्यसपछि डोटीका प्रताप पुन मगर उपचारमा खटिए। त्यसको केही दिनमै एटम, सिंहराज -अहिले साताँै डिभिजन भाइस कमान्डर छन्) आए। उनले गुनासो पोख्न थाले, "मैले यो जनयुद्ध आफ्नो वर्गका लागि यस्तो घाइते हुन पुगे, म भीरबाट खसेको होइन। मेरो आफ्नै कारण भएको होइन, प्रत्यक्ष लडाइँमा घाइते भएको हुँ। ठीक छ, पार्टीलाई अप्ठ्यारो छ भने मलाई गोली हानी सहिद बनाइदिनूस्, होइन भने मैले त्यस्तो के अन्याय गरेको छु। जबकि, भातरोटी मैले सपनामा देख्ने अवस्था आइपर्‍यो।" उनको कुरा सुनेपछि जिल्लास्तरीय नेताहरूले लखनउबाट औषधी मगाए। एचआईभी/एड्सबारे उनले गाइँगुइँ हल्ला सुन्न थाले। "हल्ला सुनेँ तर कसलाई हो, के हो भन्ने यकिन भएन। त्यसैले मैले वास्ता गरनिँ," पुराना दिन उनको आखाँवरपिर िनाँच्छन्, "मलाई एचआईभी/एड्स छ भनेर भन्ने कुुरा पनि भएन तर त्यतिबेला थाहा भइदिएको भए म जसोतसो गरी आत्महत्या गथेर्ं।"

०६२ सालको सुरुतिर रम्भापुर लडाइँ भयो। घाइते भएकालाई गुटुमा उपचार गर्ने व्यवस्था पार्टीले गर्‍यो। साउनको महिना, कैलालीको सोल्टाबाट उनलाई काठको डुंगाबाट गुटु पुर्‍याइयो। गुटुमा उपचार भइरहेको थियो। एक दिन वीरबहादुरकै हेल्परलाई अर्कोले भनेको कुरा उनको कानमा गुन्जियो, "अहिले सहयोग त गर्छन् तर तँलाई पनि एड्स लाग्छ अनि थाहा पाउलास्।" वीरबहादुर छाँगाबाट खसेजस्तै भए। उनको मनोदशा शून्यमा झर्‍यो। निस्तेज र निष्प्रभावी। तर, जीवन हो कहीँ न कहीँ जिजीविषा हुन्छ। "संगठनको मान्यता राख्नका लागि बच्नुपर्छ भन्ने लाग्थ्यो," उनी भन्छन्, "तर, औषधी उपचारमा लापरबाही गरेको देख्दा आत्मनिराशा छाउन थाल्यो। जीवनमा केही पनि बाँकी रहेन भन्न लाग्न थाल्यो अनि लुकीछुपी मदिरा सेवन गर्न थालेँ।"

त्यसपछि उनी घर फर्किने जिद्धि गर्न थाले। पार्टीले साजन नाम गरेका व्यक्तिसँग संकटकालकै अवस्थामा उनलाई डोटी फर्कायो। घर फर्किएपछि सबैले राम्रो खानपिन दिन थाले। उनको शरीर भरएिर आयो। खालि हड्डीको मात्र उपचार बाँकी थियो, त्यो पनि टाँका लगाएपछि पुरयिो। हिँडडुल गर्नसक्ने भए। सबै ठीकै भइरहेको थियो, एक दिन डोटी जोराइलका एक जना पार्टी कार्यकर्ताले उनलाई मुखमुखै सोधे, "तपाईंलाई त एड्स लाग्यो भन्छन् नि ! के हो ?" मनमा चसक्क हुँदाहँुदै पनि उनले जवाफ फर्काए, "खै कसैले अहिलेसम्म मलाई भनेको छैन, थाहा पनि पाइनँ।" गाउँभर िएचआईभी लागेको हल्ला चल्यो। उनको आत्मा दुख्न थाल्यो। यो जिन्दगी के जिन्दगीजस्तो लाग्न थाल्यो। त्यही बेला माओवादी पार्टी शान्ति प्रक्रियामा आयो। उनी फेर िलडाकूको घाइते दस्तासँग जोडिन पुगे। सातौँ डिभिजनबाट उनी संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघीय शान्ति मिसन -अनमिन)बाट दुईपटक प्रमाणीकरणमा परे। दुवै हात नभएको मान्छे, त्यसमाथि एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको, आफ्नै साथीभाइबाट खानपिन, बसउठ गर्दा फरक व्यवहार गर्न थालेपछि उनी झन् निराश हुन थाले। उनको मदिरासेवन पनि दिनानुदिन बढ्न थाल्यो। साथीभाइ, जो आफूलाई पानी बाराबारको व्यवहार देखाउँछन्, उनीहरूलाई वीरबहादुरले अश्लील गालीगलौज गर्न थाले। ब्यारेकभित्रका साथीहरूले खाएको थाल पनि अलग्गै राख्ने, गिलास पनि नछोऊ भन्ने। बसउठ र सुत्दासमेत अछूतको व्यवहार गर्न थालेपछि आफ्नै कमान्डरसँग झगडा पर्न थाल्यो उनको। उनी स्वीकार्छन्, "मदिरा मेरो कमजोरी नै हो तर कसैले मेरो पीर नबुझिदिएकाले त्यस्तो हुन गयो।"

वीरबहादुरको जीवनमा अर्को मोड आयो, प्रेम प्रकरण। पुख्र्यौली घर डोटी भएकी तर कैलालीमा दोस्रो विवाह गरेर बसिरहेकी एक महिला। ती महिलाका दुई बच्चा थिए। श्रीमान्ले धेरै पिट्न थालेपछि उनी आजित भएर सम्बन्धविच्छेद गरेर मसुरयिाछेउ माइतीमै बसिरहेकी थिइन्। गर्भवती अवस्थामा श्रीमान्ले धेरै पिटेपछि आफू या बच्चा बच्ने अवस्था आइपर्‍यो। महिलाले बच्चा नहुने अप्रेसन गरेर आफूलाई रोज्न पुगिन्। वादी थरकी तिनै महिला घुमाउरो नाता जोड्दा वीरबहादुरकी साली पर्ने रहिछिन्। ०६४ सालको दसैँको बेला थियो, ती महिला बढैपुर मेलामा आएकी थिइन्। उनले आफ्नो पीडाको बेलिविस्तार सुनाइन्। "उहाँ -ती महिला)को पीडा सुनेपछि दया लाग्यो, मैले विवाहको प्रस्ताव राखँे, उहाँले बच्चा पाउन नसक्ने यथार्थ कुरा सुनाउनुभयो। मैले आफू पनि एचआईभी/एड्स भएको र तपाइर्ंजस्तै दुःख पाएको व्यक्तिबाट सहारा खोजेको सुनाएँ। मेरो प्रस्तावप्रति उहाँ राजी हुनुभयो," वीरबहादुर भन्छन्, "मान्छेको जीवनमा कतिबेला के हुन्छ, थाहा नहुने रहेछ।"

घाइतेहरूको बसोबास पहलमानपुरमा थियो। उनी ती महिलालाई लिएर सोही स्थानमा गए। उनको प्रेम विवाहलाई कालीकोट घर भएका कमान्डर विनरले स्वीकृति दिएनन्। त्यसपछि उनलाई समातेर तालबन्द लगियो। उनी ती महिलाप्रति यति नजिक भइसकेका थिए कि अनेक बहाना निकालेर रातारात झन्डै दुई घन्टाको बाटो पर्ने मसुरयिामा भेटेर फेर ितालबन्द मुख्य शिविरमा फर्किन्थे। एक रात ती महिलासँग बसिरहेको अवस्थामा समातेर उनलाई मसुरयिाबाट झन्डै दुई घन्टा बसयात्रामा पुगिने सहजपुर क्याम्पमा पठाइयो। ती महिलाले ब्यारेकमा फोन गर्न थालिन्, कमान्डरले हप्काएर पठाइदिए। उनलाई सकभर माइतीमा बस्न वा त्यहाँ पनि नसके काम गरेर खान सल्लाह दिइयो। "एक दिन मेरो उनीसँग फोनवार्ता भयो, रुवाबासी चल्यो, आखिर मैले त्यति ठूलो अपराध त गरेको थिइनँ नि, ठगेर ल्याएको होइन," वीरबहादुर भावुक हुँदै भन्छन्, "यदि मेरो जीवनमा उहाँले स्वीकार गर्नुहुन्छ भने अरूलाई किन आपत्ति ? मैले कमान्डरसँग प्रतिप्रश्न गरेँ, त्यतिबेला। समाजकै हिसाबले कुरा गर्नुहुन्छ भने विछोड भइसकेको व्यक्तिसँग विवाह गर्न पाइन्छ कि पाइँदैन ? माओवादी भइसकेपछि जनताकी छोरीसँग विवाह गर्न पाइने कि नपाइने ?" चित्तबुझ्दो जवाफ पाएनन् उनले। आक्रोशित हुँदै उनी प्रतिवाद गर्दै गए रे! भन्छन्, "मैले संगठनको प्रक्रिया पुर्‍याउन सकिनँ होला, त्यसको कारबाही भोग्न तयार छु। मेरो बदला ढुंगा उसले बोक्छ, बरु म यस्ता डँुडा हातले भाँडा माझ्न तयार छु। तर, कारबाहीका नाममा मान्छे मारििदनु त भएन नि ! भोकै राख्नु भनेको मार्नु त हो!"

प्रेम प्रसंग महिलाको माइतीघरसम्म पुग्यो। एक जना लडाकूले उनलाई एचआईभी/एड्स लागेको सुनाइदिएपछि माइती पक्ष झन् वीरबहादुरप्रति नकारात्मक भए। विवाहको मञ्जुरी दिएनन्। हुँदाहुँदा वीरबहादुरसँग लागेकी भनेर महिलाका माइतीले समेत सँगै नबस्ने, एउटै भाँडोमा खाना नखाइदिने व्यवहार देखाउन थाले। माइतीसँगको विवाद छँदै थियो, कमान्डरसँग झन् चर्किन थाल्यो। एकदिन वीरबहादुरलाई कमान्डरले दुइटा विकल्प दिए या पार्टी छोड्नुपर्ने या श्रीमती। उनले दुवै नछोड्ने अड्डी लिए। कमान्डरले एउटा रोज्नैपर्ने दबाब दिएपछि उनले श्रीमती छोड्न सक्ने तर आफूलाई एक जना सहयोगी दिइनुपर्ने माग राखे। त्यो पनि कमान्डरले इन्कार गरििदए। उनले एकलौटी निर्णय लिँदै महिलालाई भगाएर विवाह गरे। त्यसपछि उनीमाथि चार कमजोरीको आरोप लगाइयो। पहिलो, सांगठनिक प्रक्रिया मिचेको, दोस्रो, मदिरासेवन गरी रातीराती भेटेको, तेस्रो, विवाहित महिलालाई भेटेको र चौथो, एचआईभी/एड्स पीडित भएको। यी आरोप लगाउँदै वीरबहादुरलाई २९ भदौ ०६५ मा पार्टी र 'जनमुक्ति सेना'बाट निष्कासन भएको र आइन्दा उनका बारेमा पार्टी जवाफदेही नभएको घोषणा गरयिो। बिदा हुने बेलामा कमान्डरले अपांग भएकै नाताले उनको हातमा ३० हजार रुपियाँ थमाइदिए। त्यहाँबाट उनी श्रीमती लिएर डोटी फर्किए। पहिला माओवादी भयो, अहिले यस्तो भयो भनेर उनलाई गाउँलेले गिज्याउन पनि थाले। अत्यन्तै विरक्त हुँदै उनी भन्छन्, "त्यति हँुदासम्म पनि मैले संगठनकै पक्ष लिन्थँे, घाइते अवस्था भयो, पार्टीले आराम गर्न पठाएको हो भन्थेँ।" ३० हजार रुपियाँ गोजीमा हुञ्जेलसम्म उनले खाएपिए तर त्यसपछि के ? फेर िबिचल्लीका दिन सुरु भए। उनी डोटी पार्टी कार्यालय गए। त्यहाँ पनि उनलाई कसैले भागेर आएको आरोप लगाए। "अति हुन थालेपछि फेर िमैले नशा सेवन गरेरै गाली गर्न थालँे, सालेहरू मेरो हात फिर्ता गरदिेऊ। दुई हात भएको भए केही गरेर खान सक्थँे नि ?" उनी कथा सुनाउँछन्। वीरबहादुर घरमा भइरहेका बेला बाबुराम भट्टराई डोटी गएका थिए। त्यसबेला पनि उनले मदिरा पिएरै चर्को स्वरमा आक्रोश पोखेका थिए। "ल ठीक छ, हामी बुझौँला भनेर भट्टराईले थमथमाउनुभएको थियो," उनी आक्रोशित हँुदै भन्छन्, "तर, अहिलेसम्म बुझ्याबुझ्यै मात्र भयो।"

निष्कासनका बेला वीरबहादुरले ३० हजार रुपियाँ पाएका थिए, त्यसपछि एक सुको नपाएको दाबी गर्छन् उनी। सातौँ डिभिजन कमान्डर वीरेन्द्र बुढा 'जीवन' आरोप सत्य नभएको जिकिर गर्छन्। भन्छन्, "दीर्घकालीन रोगी भएकाले आराम गर्नका लागि उनलाई घर पठाएको हो। अहिलेसम्म हरेक महिनाको एक हजार लेबीबाहेक चार हजार तलब र रासन भत्ता घरमै पुर्‍याइदिने गरेका छौँ।" घरमा बिचल्ली हुँदै गएपछि उनी फेर िपार्टीको सिफारसि लिएर तालबन्द फर्किए। त्यसबेला पनि कमान्डर मित्रमणिले निष्कासन भएको मान्छे फेर िबस्न नपाइने भन्दै धपाएको दुःखेसो पोख्छन्, वीरबहादुर। त्यसपछि माग्दै गुजारा चल्न थाल्यो। गएको असारमा घाइते तथा अपांग भनेर द्वन्द्वपीडित राहतस्वरूप एक लाख रुपियाँ पाए, जसबाट उनले कुखुरापालन पनि सञ्चालन गररिहेका छन्। पन्जाब अस्पतालले तीन महिनामै मर्छ भनेर घोषणा गरेका वीरबहादुर हिजोआज अझै पर्याप्त जीवन जिउने आशमा छन्। भन्छन्, "जीवनमा जस्तो भए पनि हार खान भने हुँदो रहेनछ।"

from http://www.ekantipur.com/nepal/article/?id=3175

Party only awaits formal split: Thapa

2011-12-28T23:54:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 29: Amidst heated exchanges in the ongoing meeting of the Central Committee (CC), Maoist General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa said on Thursday that the party has already split and only awaits a formal announcement of this.

“There are rules and regulations even for regulating a joint front, but our party is left without any rules. The party has already split; it only awaits a formal announcement,” a CC member quoted Thapa as saying during the meeting.

Thapa, who has lately switched sides to the radical faction, argued that Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Vice-chairman Baburam Bhattarai, who is also the prime minister, are the major violators of party discipline.

“If the party is to be brought back onto the right track, disciplinary action should be taken against the chairman and the prime minister. The party and government leaderships are in the hands of compradors and rightist elements,” a party leader quoted Thapa as saying.

Thapa came down heavily on the chairman for not implementing the party´s “revolutionary decisions” and for dragging the party toward “rightist revisionism.”

The Maoist general secretary argued that rightist and regressive elements inside and outside the party have taken advantage of weakness among the revolutionaries in the party.

Launching lacerating criticism against Bhattarai, Thapa said: “The government is in the hands of compradors from the south.”

He also indirectly admitted that the party´s revolutionaries made a mistake in joining hands with Bhattarai during the Dhobighat meeting, which decided to push for Bhattarai as prime minister.

Bhattarai, for his part, defended the various agreements entered into by the current government, including the BIPPA signed with India, and argued that those moves were crucial for completing the peace and constitution-drafting process.

“The agreements reached with various actors were crucial for the completion of the peace and constitution-drafting process. Without good rapport with domestic and international power centers, the peace and constitution-drafting process would not be completed,” a party leader quoted Bhattarai as saying during the meeting.

Similarly, another party vice-chairman, Narayankaji Shrestha, who is also deputy prime minister in the current coalition, argued that the government and party leadership made a mistake in signing the BIPPA with India and in deciding to return seized lands to the owners without effecting revolutionary land reforms.

Shrestha also came down heavily on Dahal and accused the latter of speaking lies at the party CC meeting. “The chairman stated that the party made frequent attempts to launch a people´s revolt and failed to achieve the desired results. But the party has never seriously attempted to foment a revolt. He should not have spoken such lies,” a CC member quoted him as saying.

Shrestha appreciated Baidya´s “concern for revolution” and argued that the party should move ahead in a unified manner.

Similarly, influential party leader Netra Bikram Chand, who is close to Baidya, argued that Dahal betrayed the party leaders and cadres by presenting a political document that runs against the decisions of the Chunwang meeting, the Kharipati national conclave and the Palungtar plenum. “We were bought to Kathmandu from the base areas with a dream of revolution. But the chairman says the party should be where it is now,” a leader quoted Chand as saying.

The party hardliner argued that the major debate in the party is whether the party would adopt a revolutionary agenda or not. He argued that Dahal is losing his charm as leader and warned that the latter may share the same fate as Mohan Bikram Singh, the communist ideologue now reduced to a “political non-entity”.

He also stated that another “bourgeois class” has come into being from within the party and asked the party leadership to hand over their properties to the party organization. “The chairman should first hand over his property to the party and other CC members should follow suit,” Chand argued.

Amik Sherchan also argued that the party must move ahead in a unified manner. “We can adopt the Russian model of adopting two tactical lines and keeping the party unity intact,” said a leader quoting Sherchan.

The CC members are currently debating the separate political documents presented by Dahal and Baidya.

Baidya counters Dahal's proposal

2011-12-28T04:13:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 28: Countering Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s political document, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya on Tuesday floated a road map for people’s revolt prioritizing street protests and recall of the party leaders from the government accusing them of acting against the interests of the country, the people and the spirit of revolution.

The government has not only failed to act in the interests of the people, but also signed a bilateral investment promotion and protection agreement with India which was an anti-national move, the document said.
Baidya’s document presented at the central committee on Tuesday dismissed the proposal floated by Dahal on peace, constitution and government and said, “For chairman Dahal, peace means disarming the People’s Liberation Army, constitution means a parliamentary constitution and government means accepting the old state mechanism.”

The document said the leadership surrendered to the parliamentary forces time and again, while negotiating for constitution writing and the peace process. “Universally an agreement is a give and take process, but the party has only been giving without taking anything,” underlined the document. The document also brushed aside the argument that the proposed general convention of the party would address intra-party disputes and cement the party unity.

Chairman Dahal had presented a 10-point document at the beginning of the ongoing central committee meeting on Friday that among other things floated a number of options for solving the long-running intra-party conflict and had proposed a general convention to end protracted disputes over the political line of the party

Baidya, who leads a hardline faction in the UCPN (Maoist) and vows to capture state power through people’s revolt, lambasted Dahal’s document as a road map to rightist opportunism and said that a true unity of the party is possible only when the party establishment agrees to a thorough review of the mistakes it committed in the past.

Dahal made a number of mistakes that dented the party image badly, Baidya said and added that the party can’t be brought back to its revolutionary track as long as he doesn’t realize his shortcomings and agrees to transform himself for the achievement of the goals set while initiating the people’s war.

Since the party leadership had grossly violated party decisions and established party rules and regulations, it is absolutely necessary that they admit their past blunders and transform themselves, said the document. “In order to bring a true unity in the party, the leadership has to convince the rank and file that it has transformed itself by correcting the past mistakes, and self-criticism is the best thing to begin with”, added the document.

The document also refuted Dahal’s argument that Nepal’s social context is not favorable for a Chinese-style revolution and said that the argument was an act of pleasing pro compradors and brokers by ruining the possibility of a revolution.

“Dahal’s document has wholeheartedly accepted parliamentary system, which is against the spirit of Chunbang meeting,” said the document tabled by Baidya.

Baidya proposing revolt road map

2011-12-25T21:36:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 26: Senior Vice-chairman of UCPN (Maoist) Mohan Baidya is preparing a separate political document stressing the viability of “people´s revolt”, concluding that past attempts at launching revolt failed due to unwillingness of the party´s leadership.

Baidya remained busy preparing the document and did not participate in the meeting of his faction as he is supposed to present the paper at the party´s central committee meeting on Monday.

“Kiranji´s [Baidya] document will be a totally forward looking one and contest Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal´s document which is status-quoist,” politburo member Kul Prasad KC, who is close to Baidya faction, said.

According to KC, Baidya´s document will reflect the spirit of the Palungtar plenum held last year that decided that the party should launch revolt if obstacles come in the way of concluding the peace and constitution writing.
Baidya in his document will contest Dahal´s document presented at the central committee meeting on Saturday. Dahal has claimed that the party´s past attempts at launching revolt failed because of domestic and international political environment.

"The people´s revolt failed due to unwillingness of Chairman Dahal, not because of the party and any political environment,” said KC about Baidya faction´s conclusion on the Dahal´s document, adding, "The document will propose road map and programs to prepare grounds for the revolt.”

According to sources, Baidya´s document will propose some concrete and immediate programs that party should carry out to launch the revolt.

“The document will elucidate the four preparatory plans and four bases to prepare ground for the revolt,” said the source. The plans and bases were very popular during the Maoist insurgency. In addition, he is going to propose roadmap to increase intervention in the government, parliament and street to prepare grounds for the revolt.

Similarly, Baidya´s document is going to specify that the leaders who propounded the political line should also lead the party as attempts at launching revolt in the past failed as the party leadership did not uphold the political line. The Baidya faction claims that the party adopted the political line of Baidya but failed to implement it as the party was led by Dahal.

Baidya will also propose General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa to lead the new government, concluding that the present Baburam Bhattarai-government has failed.

Meanwhile, leaders from the Dahal and Baidya factions said they are not hopeful of either of the documents contributing to party unity.

“Why did the chairman´s document not address the issues of party unity raised by the Baidya faction?” questioned politburo member Bishwabhakta Dulal, who is close to Dahal.

“How will the chairman´s document address issues raised by Baidya when he advocates a completely different political line?”

Another politburo member Haribol Gajurel, who is close to Dahal, is not optimistic either. “The scenario does not look bright for unity between the two factions,” said Gajurel.

Meanwhile, leaders from the Baidya faction held a separate meeting at Kupondole, Kathmandu on Sunday to discuss their strategies. “The intra-party conflict has turned into a class struggle. How can we move together by surrendering,” said Santosh Budha Magar.

Dahal defends party line of peace, statute

2011-12-24T23:49:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 25: Presenting a written political proposal at the much-awaited Central Committee meeting of the UCPN (Maoist) Saturday, party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has defended the party’s current line of concluding the peace process and constitution-writing.

He has also proposed the setting up of party forums – debate mechanisms within the party at different levels — to systematize the growing internal differences within the party until the party’s next general convention, a date for which is yet to be announced.

Speaking immediately after Dahal presented his proposal, party Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya, who leads a rival and more radical faction in the party, told the Central Committee that his group will submit a counter-proposal and demanded a one-day break in the Central Committee meeting to prepare the document.
“The party chairman has reached his own conclusion and there isn’t room for much debate or discussion on the party’s future line; so we will submit a separate proposal,” a Central Committee member quoted Baidya as saying.

According to a leader close to Baidya, the top leaders of the faction have already started drafting their own proposal to be submitted by Baidya.

The Central Committee meeting is taking place at a crucial time as the party faces perhaps the most serious internal dispute since it joined open politics after the success of Janaandolan II in 2006, and also because hardly five months are left for promulgating the new constitution.

Whether and how the party manages its internal disputes will have a bearing on the future course of Nepali politics.

Though there are several layers to the intra-party differences among the Maoists, ranging from personality clash to disproportionate distribution of party resources and opportunities, the most serious among them is, the current political line.

The establishment faction led by party Chairman Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai believes that the party must preserve the current achievements accrued from the “People’s War” and Janandolan II, conclude the peace process, promulgate the constitution (even if this demands compromises) and prepare the ground for the next stage of revolution.

The Baidya faction, however, sees the current political line as a surrender and dissolution of the party’s revolutionary spirit.

Dahal’s proposal also contains a scathing criticism of the Baidya faction’s rejection of the “current achievements” and their emphasis on immediate revolt.

“Refusal to draw lessons from the debacle of the international communist movements, failure to make an objective assessment of the balance of power (among the classes) in society and propensity to stand against the people and their wishes just for the sake of revolution and on the basis of dogmatic thinking will eventually assist counter-revolution in the country,” the proposal says.

Dahal has also reminded the hard-line faction that the party did actually try to capture the state even after coming into open politics but it failed miserably.

“Following the resignation of my government [in 2008], we tried our best to transform the then deepening political crisis into a crisis conducive for revolution. But that failed despite our conscious and concerted effort and there shall be a critical evaluation of our weaknesses, limitations and the reactionary conspiracy that contributed to our failure,” reads the proposal, further adding, “The objective conditions for revolt should be analyzed not on the basis of our wishes but on the basis of the current world order and the balance of power among national and international forces.”

Dahal has also defended the Baburam Bhattarai-led government, the four-point agreement signed with the United Democratic Madhesi Front, the seven-point agreement signed among the major parties to conclude the peace process and promulgate the constitution in the next five months, and the progress made in the peace process, especially in categorization of PLA combatants.

Dahal has, however, pointed out some procedural weaknesses in the signing of the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with India.

“We could not hold extensive discussions within the party and at the national level on the pros and cons of the agreement, it was signed even when the signing of the Double Tax Avoidance Agreement was deferred and the prime minister also could not remain in touch with the party chairman in the final hours before signing the agreement,” says Dahal’s proposal.

Dahal’s political proposal also makes a harsh assessment of the party’s organizational state. “Our party’s organization is in a state of dissolution. In reality the party has already died—what remains alive is groups and sub-groups within the party and the personal interests of individuals are paying a catalytic role.”

Dahal has proposed an end to the practice of various factions of the party holding separate training and orientation programs.

Instead, he has proposed a two-line struggle in the party whereby the different factions take their views and stances to the party’s various levels through discussions and deliberations at the party forums.

He has also proposed mobilization of party cadres to re-energize the party base.

Maoist Central Committee meeting today at last

2011-12-24T05:58:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 24: The ruling UCPN(Maoist) is holding a meeting of its Central Committee on Saturday, after four postponements and amidst widening rift between the party establishment and the rival faction led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya over a host of issues.

Maoist leaders say that they expect the meeting to yield a picture of how long the party will continue to remain intact, besides seeing the presentation of separate political papers by Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Baidya.

The Baidya faction is in a wait-and-see mode before charting out its strategies at the meeting, and leaders of the faction said that their moves will largely depend on how honestly Chairman Dahal presents himself respecting the spirit of the Palungtar plenum on constitution making, national interests, federalism and the livelihood of people.
“The party will continue to remain intact if Dahal presents himself positively at the meeting. If not, discussions on the future of the party will take a new turn. Let’s see how Dahal presents himself,” a leader of the rival faction quoted Baidya as telling leaders and PLA commanders close to him, on the eve of the Central Committee meeting.

At the meeting, Dahal is presenting a political paper outlining the party’s strategies for concluding the peace process and constitution making while Baidya is likely to present a separate political paper contesting Dahal’s.

“The chairman is presenting a political paper proposing programs for mobilizing the people to complete the peace process and constitution drafting,” said politburo member Agni Sapkota, who is close to Dahal.

Sapkota also said that Dahal is going to address all the issues raised by Baidya and General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa. The Baidya faction has already lodged its difference over at least 13 issues, including the four-point deal with the United Democratic Madhesi Front and the seven-point peace agreement with other major political parties.

“If Kiranji [Baidya] and Badalji [Ram Bahadur Thapa] do not agree with the political document, the party will hold discussions on their disagreements through democratic centralism and go to the parrty general convention while maintaining party unity,” said Sapkota.

Leaders of the Baidya faction said that Baidya will present his separate political paper at the Central Committee if Dahal fails to accommodate their issues in his paper.

“We have already presented a 13-point issue. We will first see the chairman’s paper before deciding whether we should present our separate paper. Everything will depend on Dahal’s paper,” said Standing Committee member Netra Bikram Chand, who is close to Baidya.

Meanwhile, Thapa said on Friday that the intra-party conflict has reached a serious turn and accused Dahal of playing a dubious role.

PLA commanders meet Thapa

A group of PLA commanders, who met Dahal on Thursday, met Baidya and Thapa Friday and submitted their 10-point demand, including an accounting of the money deducted from their monthly allowances.

Party General Secretary Thapa had accused Chairman Dahal of playing a dual role. He also said that Dahal always did what he did not say he would do.

Talking to PLA commanders who submitted their 10-point demand to him and Baidya seeking transparency in accounts, among other things, Thapa said the future unity of the party depends on Dahal’s activities.

Baidya faction holds secret meeting

On the eve of the party’s central committee meeting, the Mohan Baidya faction held a separate meeting in Jawalakhel on Friday to prepare strategies to contest the party establishment at the meeting.

At the meeting, Baidya, General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa and Dev Gurung accused Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal of making fools of them in the name of party unity, according to participants.

Worried of the secret meeting, Dahal called Thapa and asked him not to reach a conclusion on splitting the party.

The meeting also discussed Dahal’s allegation that the Baidya faction is conspiring to murder him.

Dahal had told Baidya recently that his life was under threat from the leaders of the rival faction. But leaders close to Baidya dismissed the allegation as a ploy.

“Who can pose a threat to his life at a time when he controls the entire party’s military force, the money, government and the state? He has not disclosed the details of the threat; he is orchestrating another drama by making the allegation,” a central committee member quoted Thapa as saying.

PLA presents Dahal with 10-point demand

2011-12-23T02:56:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 23: Accusing senior colleagues of financial embezzlement in the cantonments, Baidya faction commanders on Thursday submitted a 10-point demand to Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, seeking strong disciplinary action against the guilty.

Eighteen commanders led by division vice-commanders from all PLA divisions came to Kathmandu and submitted their demands to Dahal at Naya Bazaar.

“The party chairman talked to us positively and assured us of addressing the demands,” said Ram Lal Rokka Magar, Vice-commander of the Fifth Division, who was present during the meeting.
The commanders had sought the ration money for PLA security guards, and the Rs 1,000 they submitted to division commanders on a monthly basis as “deposit money”, among other things.

The commanders are scheduled to meet Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai, Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya and General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa on Friday.
Commanders said Dahal parried allegations of financial irregularities, but said that the demands would be addressed.

However, party Military Bureau Chief Barshaman Pun, who was also present, refuted the charge of financial irregularities.

“The money collected from you is there in your divisions. We can show you the accounts....The chairman has to take care of the whole party organization, not just you people,” a commander quoted Pun as saying.

During the meeting, Dahal also refuted having issued any circular to retain 50 percent of the money of those absent from the cantonments but were called back for voluntary retirement during the categorization process.

It may be recalled that the third point of the circular issued after a general staff meeting participated by Dahal asks commanders to call the absent combatants back to the cantonments and give them 50 percent of the total amount they are supposed to get for voluntary retirement.

The commanders also demanded that those opting for voluntary retirement be immediately sent home with the promised money. The division commanders, all of whom are from the party establishment, are against immediately sending home those opting for voluntary retirement, arguing that a “piecemeal approach” to integration will seriously weaken the party’s bargaining position.

Most commanders and personnel from the Baidya faction have chosen voluntary retirement, opposing the whole spirit of the integration carried out “in a humiliating manner”.

The commanders have demanded that those who defected from the Nepal Army (NA) get a chance to rejoin the NA, and the current education level be counted during for integration purposes.

Are there any journalists outside?

The first question Dahal asked the commanders was: “Is it you who invited the media here?”

Commanders said Dahal was a bit nervous as reporters and cameras waited outside his residence.

Dahal’s son Prakash was, however, a bit rude toward the commanders. “Why have you come here instead of meeting General Secretary Thapa?” a commander quoted him as telling them.

UCPN (Maoist) puts off CC meeting, again

2011-12-22T04:31:00.000-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 22: The UCPN (Maoist) has postponed its Central Committee (CC) meeting slated for Friday. It is the fourth time that the party establishment has put off its CC meeting.

While the party establishment has attributed the postponement to lack of internal homework, the hardliners have accused Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal of continuously deferring the meeting to avoid backlash from the CC members for his "ideological deviation and moral erosion."

Though the party has rescheduled the meeting for Saturday, the radical faction led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya doubts if Dahal will hold any CC meeting anytime soon.

“The party chairman has the strategy of deferring the meeting until he gains an edge over the Baidya faction. So I think the party establishment will continue to defer the CC meeting instead of facing the wrath of the CC members over Dahal´s handling of the party,” said CC member Maheshwar Dahal, who is close to Baidya faction.
The party CC has not taken any decision since August when it endorsed the candidacy of Bhattarai as the new prime minister.
But Shakti Basnet, who is close to Chairman Dahal, refuted Maheshwar Dahal´s statement.
“The party is holding the meeting on Saturday. The Friday´s meeting was postponed for lack of homework," Basnet said.

Sources say the meeting was postponed after Dahal and Baidya could not reach an agreement on the agenda of the meeting. At the meeting in Dahal´s residence, Baidya had asked Dahal to either come up with political programs to implement the "revolutionary" line of Palungtar plenum, or present a separate policy document outlining his departure from the line of the plenum.

But, Dahal, according to sources, just told Baidya that the party should conclude the peace process and then chart out another strategy. "So the meeting between the two leaders was inconclusive," said the sources.

The UCPN (Maoist) has been left without any political programs since the indefinite general strike in May 2010. Dahal, backed by Baidya, had passed the line of revolt in the central committee meeting in December, held immediately after the Palungtar plenum, but no political program to implement the line of revolt was brought out by the chairman.

And suddenly in April, Dahal swung back to the line of peace and constitution and got his document endorsed with the backing from Bhattarai. But Dahal had ambiguously argued in the document that he still holds on to the Palungtar line.

According to sources, Dahal doesn´t want to hold a CC meeting after the Narayankaji Shrestha and Amik Sherchan factions said they would judge the agendas issue-wise and won´t lend blanket support to any faction. Without the backing of Shrestha and Serchan, there is danger of the party establishment falling short of majority in the CC.

Baidya has raised many issues, including the return of the seized land, signing of BIPPA with India, PLA integration, and financial irregularities in cantonments and party, among other things. The hardline faction has already distributed a 13-point circular among the leaders, outlining their dissent in the party.

The party central committee members are divided over the issues and are less likely to lend blanket support to any specific issues.

For example, Shrestha and Serchan groups are against the signing of BIPPA with India, while all other factions, except the one led by Dahal, stand together against Dahal on the issue of finances. Similarly, even the leaders close to Dahal are against sending home the PLA personnel opting for voluntary retirement.

Money issues boost Mohan Baidya faction

2011-12-21T07:34:00.001-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 21: Raising the issue of financial irregularities in the cantonments, PLA commanders loyal to the Maoist radical faction have significantly expanded their support base among their rank and file.

With the backing of a large section from the party establishment, PLA commanders from the radical faction have lately raised their voices against the party decision to retain 50 percent of the total amount meant for those who were absent from the cantonments but turned up for the sizeable voluntary retirement packages.

“It’s a great injustice to them. They should get in full the promised amount,” said Ram Lal Roka Magar, vice-commander from the Fifth Division, who belongs to the radical faction led by Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya.
According to him, a team of commanders is arriving in Kathmandu in a couple of days to take up the issue with party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai, military in-charge Ram Bahadur Thapa and PLA chief Nanda Kishor Pun, among others.

It may be recalled that a PLA general staff meeting chaired by Dahal had decided to retain 50 percent of the total amount to be given for voluntary retirement to absent personnel who turned up during the combatant categorization process.

The third point of a circular issued by the party after the general staff meeting states: “We should call back the absent personnel, except those involved in criminal activities, and give them 50 percent of the amount promised in the package.”
Sources say junior commanders close to Dahal and Bhattarai have thrown their weight behind the financial issues raised by commanders from the Baidya faction.

“This is not an issue of any one faction. Nobody can snatch away the rights of the PLA personnel,” said Udaya Bahadur Chalaune, vice-commander from the Fourth Division.

Party insiders say over 3,000 personnel who were absent from the cantonments for the last few years came back for the lucrative packages.

Even those who were in the Gulf, Malaysia and other countries for employment had returned to the cantonments.

Where are our identity cards,
comrades?

The commanders have not yet distributed among PLA personnel the identity cards issued by surveyors under the Special Committee. This has created consternation among the PLA rank and file who have become suspicious of the commanders’ intentions.

“They perhaps want a certain percentage of our money for various causes. But this will be unacceptable for us,” said a PLA combatant from the Third Division.

He said the PLA personnel asked the commanders for their identity cards but to no avail. “We have rules here. It’s none of your concern,” he quoted a commander as telling them.

Special Committee member Minendra Rijal said that the identity cards were handed over to the commanders to be distributed among their personnel as soon as possible. “I heard about it from you. It seems they still want to maintain a hold on the personnel in an unethical manner,” said Rijal.

It may be recalled that the Baidya faction commanders have also vociferously demanded the return of money belonging to the personnel and kept with the party as ‘deposit’. Similarly, they have backed the demand of PLA personnel in the security details for senior leaders to give them the money meant for their rations.

Maoist dispute snags integration 2nd phase

2011-12-19T23:47:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 20: The second phase of the PLA integration process has fallen into uncertainty due to serious internal disputes between PLA division commanders and party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal during a meeting at the latter’s residence late Monday evening.

At the meeting, Dahal and Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai sought the approval of the division commanders for a proposal to send home PLA personnel opting for voluntary retirement.

But contrary to the expectations of Dahal and Bhattarai, the division commanders vehemently countered the proposal, saying they are against a piecemeal approach to the integration and rehabilitation process that will put the PLA at a disadvantage, according to sources.
“We first want clarification of the confusion surrounding the integration process, including rank harmonization, age and education, among other things, before those opting for voluntary retirement are sent home. What will you do if the Nepal Army (NA) goes its own way, neglecting the sentiments of those opting for integration?” a commander quoted himself as saying during the meeting.

According to the meeting participants, the division commanders had also asked Chairman Dahal to clarify their status before the second phase of the integration process pushes ahead. “You must clarify whether the division commanders are getting any senior positions in the NA directorate,” the division commander quoted a colleague as asking the chairman.

During a general staff meeting immediately after the seven-point deal on November 1, Dahal had told the commanders that he had reached a “gentlemen’s agreement” with other political parties on the appointment of some of them to senior positions in the directorate.

Chairman Dahal, Prime Minister Bhattarai, party Vice-chairman and Deputy Prime Minister Narayankaji Shrestha, Military Bureau chief Barshaman Pun, PLA chief Nanda Kishor Pun, Deputy Commander Chandra Prakash Khanal, party leader Janardan Sharma and all the division commanders were present at the meeting.

According to sources, there were heated exchanges between military chief Pun and Dahal also. “We had been bargaining for a better integration deal for the last four years, but you struck the deal at one go. How can you place everything now upon my shoulders?” a commander quoted Pun as asking Dahal.

Pun also vented his ire on Khanal and Tej Bahadur Oli, members of the secretariat under the Special Committee, for bringing a proposal at the last Special Committee meeting to immediately wrap up the voluntary retirement process and press ahead with integration of the rest into the NA.

But Janardan Sharma, who was removed from his post on the Special Committee after Bhattarai became prime minister, countered Pun: “Without any specific directives, you just ask them to wrap up the process at the earliest. How can you now heap the blame on them?”

Sources say Dahal and Bhattarai, who had earlier proposed wrapping up the voluntary retirement process immediately, were left crest-fallen. “The chairman was excited while making the proposal at the beginning, but he looked depressed at the end,” another commander stated.

After sensing the gravity of the situation, Prime Minister Bhattarai stated: “Don’t worry. We will soon solve the issue amicably.”

The meeting then ended without going into the details of the proposal.

The last Special Committee meeting, which was held on Friday, had decided to immediately conclude the voluntary retirement process, and move forward with the integration of the rest into the NA.

Talking to media persons, Special Committee member Pun, who is also the finance minister in the current coalition, had stated that the next meeting of the Special Committee would be held on Sunday.

Then the Maoists again said that the meeting would be held on Tuesday. But leaders close to Prime Minister Bhattarai told Republica that the meeting has been put off yet again.

Give back our money: PLA guards to commanders

2011-12-18T23:32:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 19: Accusing their commanders of embezzling the payments for food rations, PLA personnel deployed for the security of senior party leaders are currently knocking the doors of party leadership for justice.

There were altogether 106 PLA guards in the service of senior party leaders in the capital, and each of them is entitled to Rs 2,500 a month as food ration.

The total amount of money each of them is supposed to get since 2007 is Rs 150,000. In total, the commanders owe Rs 16 million to the PLA guards.

The PLA guards have formed an 11-member committee to press for the return of the money. On Friday, they made an all-out effort to meet party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal to talk on the issue, but they were denied access citing Dahal´s busy schedule. Similarly, PLA chief Nanda Kishor Pun also refused to meet them for “lack of time”.

Spurned by both Dahal and Pun, they, met the party´s military in-charge and General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa.

“We want immediate investigation into the irregularities and action against the guilty,” said Dhan Bahadur Bogati, coordinator of the struggle committee of the victimized PLA. Bogati is also the battalion vice-commander at the sixth division cantonment in Surkhet.

The PLA guards were entitled to Rs 2,100 each as food ration after the second round of verification in 2007, but the amount was increased to Rs 2,500 when the Maoist-led government was formed after the CA polls.

The committee members also submitted an 11-point demand, which, among others, included transparent financial system in the party, transfer of ownership of the party´s vehicles registered in the name of individual leaders to the party organization.

At the standing committee meeting held in Sikute last year, the party had directed the commanders to return the money, but to no avail.

“We were hopeful and happy thinking that we would get our money. But the commanders told us they were not returning our money. Instead they challenged us to do whatever we could,” Bogati told Republica.

He argued that the guards have not violated the party´s norms by forming the committee.

The committee has also demanded that the party make arrangements to take care of the injured, kin of those killed and disappeared during the insurgency, and ensure state honors to the PLA personnel.

Maoists in stalemate: No split, no unity

2011-12-18T08:28:00.001-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 15: On Tuesday, Maoist party hardliner CP Gajurel stated publicly that the party would split soon, with current Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya, who leads the radical camp, as the head of a new party. Gajurel´s statement, however, received very little media attention as such rhetoric is nothing new coming from the Maoists.

In fact, the radicals publicly accuse the moderates of being foreign lackeys and betraying the dream of revolution, while the latter accuse the radicals of being war-mongers and ultra-leftist adventurists hell-bent on spoiling the party´s political achievements. But they have continued to remain in the same party.

Why have the Maoist factions, despite such differences and grave allegations hurled at each other, remained glued together as one party?

“It´s because none of the factions wants the stigma of having split the party,” says Maoist party establishment leader Ram Karki, who is close to Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai.

Both factions, party leaders say, are psychologically prepared for any eventuality, but are careful not to be blamed for a split -- hence there is a state of equilibrium. Neither can the moderates, who are the party establishment, take disciplinary action against the “unruly” radicals, nor can the latter announce a split immediately.

“The party chairman is not so naive as to take action against the hardliners who are just looking for an excuse to split the party,” says a leader close to Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

Secondly, the radical faction led by Baidya is not a homogeneous block, nor is there any unanimity on the faction´s immediate strategy.

While Baidya and Dev Gurung are cautious about taking any ´bold decision´ immediately, influential leader Netra Bikram Chand, according to party insiders, is committed to going to any length to save the party´s “revolutionary line”. The wrath of party General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa and Secretary CP Gajurel, meanwhile, is directed against Dahal, with whom they have old scores to settle.

There is, however, unanimity among the hardliners that they should remain on the ready for making “bold moves” any time. And that´s the reason the hardliners have been frequenting the districts, exposing the “ideological deviation” of the party establishment and expanding their organization base. Chand, who is currently in New Delhi, is busy with foreign trips to expand his base in the party´s organization in various countries.

The “exposure campaign” being launched by the hardliners has become so detrimental to the party establishment that the latter too, according to politburo member Bishwo Bhakta Dulal, is making forays into the districts with the “message of peace and constitution”.

Thirdly, the hardliners, according to party insiders, want an opportune time to split the party so that they would be viewed as true “nationalists and revolutionaries” and would be able to win over the sentiments of party cadres.

And that´s why the hardliners are said to have vehemently opposed successive moves of the current government, including the four-point deal with the Madhes-based parties, the handover of weapons container keys to the Special Committee, the deal to return seized properties to their rightful owners, and the signing of a BIPPA with India, among others.

“But none of these stances turned out to be in their favor and could neither garner them popular support nor win over cadre sentiment. Instead, they were just viewed as anti-peace process elements,” says a leader close to Bhattarai.

They are seeking to forge an alliance with “leftists, nationalists and intellectuals” to take to the streets in the cause of national sovereignty and then unleash an urban insurrection. And, that is why they are hobnobbing with UML Chairman Jhalanath Khanal, some retired army officers and with royalists, among others.

Fourthly, the hardliners say the cadres should be convinced that it is they, the hardliners, who have inherited the mantle of the party´s revolutionary line of revolt endorsed by the Palungtar plenum.

“Our paths will bifurcate the day the party chairman formally sheds the Palungtar line of revolt, which is also the official line of the party. The chairman is apparently following Bhattarai´s line which was written in as a note of dissent against the Palungtar line, but he still claims ownership of the official line,” says politburo member Kul Prasad KC of the radical faction.

Not that there are no attempts to reconcile the hardliners with Chairman Dahal. Some leaders including Krishna Bahadur Mahara and Agni Sapkota are making a last ditch attempt in this regard, but any reconciliation looks, at least for now, a forlorn hope.

There is near unanimity among senior Maoist leaders that a party with such sharply divergent ideological orientations is not likely to remain intact. But there are divergent views on when the tussle is to be considered to have reached a boiling point. “The party cannot go on as it is. Without any reconciliatory steps, it may break up any time,” says a leader close to Bhattarai.

The party radicals say they will confront the party establishment in the forthcoming central committee (CC) meeting slated for December 23, though they are not sure Dahal will hold such a meeting that could be detrimental to the peace and constitution drafting process.

The leaders from the party establishment, however, say even if a meeting of the central committee is held, the Baidya faction will have no option other than to abide by the majority or split the party or plod on under the existing conditions.

But there are others who feel that Dahal will not let the hardliners split the party, something which will bring him into direct rivalry with Bhattarai in open politics. And on top of that, Dahal is not quite sure of his strength at the grassroots level. It was relatively easy for Dahal to handle the triangular conflict among Baidya, Bhattarai and himself. But handling a two-way conflict with Bhattarai may not be so easy.

According to sources, Dahal is holding regular talks with Baidya and wants to bring about cracks in the hard-line faction. “But Dahal´s strategy has only widened his distance from Chand, who has the organizational hold on the party,” observes a leader close to Chand.

It remains to be seen what strategic cards Dahal will play to convince the hardliners to keep the party unity intact as the peace process strides ahead.

Thapa could be PM: Dahal

2011-12-18T08:27:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

KATHMANDU, Dec 15: Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal said on Wednesday that party General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa could be prime minister if the other parties do not agree to join the government under incumbent PM Baburam Bhattarai.

But the Maoist chairman stated that the chance of leading the government should not go to another political parties in the course of attempting to change the government leadership.

Dahal expressed such views during a meeting of the party top brass, including Senior Vice-chairman Mohan Baidya and Prime Minister Bhattarai, at his residence at Nayabazaar.
"The Nepali Congress and CPN-UML have been saying that they would not join a national consensus under your [Bhattarai´s] government formed on the basis of the four-point deal. If other parties agree, the chance should go to our party leader Badalji [Thapa]," a Maoist leader privy to the meeting quoted Dahal as saying.

According to him, Bhattarai had asked Dahal and Baidya about Thapa´s candidacy, which was the buzz.

Dahal was of the opinion that the NC and UML would join the government if the four-point deal was scrapped.
Baidya and Thapa were also opposed to the four-point deal.

"While negotiating the formation of a consensus government, we should be careful not to let the post of prime minister get snatch from our hands," a leader quoted Dahal as saying.

According to him, Baidya stated that his faction has already made public its view that Bhattarai is against the decisions of the Palungtar plenum, the central committee and even the politburo.
He said he is against the BIPPA agreement with India, the four-point deal between Madhes-based parties and the seven-point deal among the major political parties.

"We have already declared that the significance of your [Bhattarai´s] government is over. So we have floated Badalji´s name for the post of prime minister," a leader quoted Baidya as saying.

According to party insiders, Baidya had floated Thapa´s name for the next prime minster during his meeting with UML Chairman Jhalanath Khanal the other day and the latter had asked Baidya to take the NC into confidence.

Some party cadres facing criminal cases for acts committed during the insurgency were also present at the meeting. According to Maoist leader Khadga Bahadur Biswakarma, who was also there, Dahal and Bhattarai had assured the party cadres that they would take initiatives to withdraw the criminal cases.

NC, UML: PM, finance minister accountable

2011-12-12T08:39:00.000-08:00

KIRAN CHAPAGAIN

KATHMANDU, Dec 12: Taking embezzlement in the allowances of Maoist combatants seriously, the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML have demanded accountability from the prime minister and finance minister during the first meeting of the Special Committee after categorization.

It was revealed during the categorization that the UCPN (Maoist) had been drawing allowances for even those combatants who were not in the cantonments.

A source at the Special Committee told Republica that Nepali Congress representative Minendra Rijal drew the attention of Prime Minister and Chairman of the Special Committee Baburam Bhattarai, Finance Minister (FM) Barshaman Pun and Maoist representative in the committee Barshaman Pun to the embezzlement of millions of rupees drawn as allowance and ration of the Maoist combatants who deserted the cantonments.

“As the prime minister and finance minister of the country, you were supposed to be accountable for every penny of the tax payers´ money, but you have remained silent. You can not demonstrate accountability by maintaining silence,” a source quoted Rijal as saying at the meeting.

The embezzlement of millions of rupees was revealed after it was found that only 16,964 combatants were in the cantonments, which is 2,638 less than the number verified by the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN). The UN political mission had verified 19,602 Maoist fighters in 2007. But the government was releasing allowances to 19,525 until last month. According to a government record, the government had released Rs 9,300 on an average for each combatant per month. It means the Maoists were drawing Rs 24.62 million per month from the state coffers.

This is the first time the main opposition parties have raised this issue in the Special Committee, the government-formed body that is responsible for management of Maoist combatants. According to political sources, the representatives from the main opposition parties on the Special Committee, Rijal, Dr Ram Sharan Mahat, Ishwor Pokharel and Bhim Rawal had recently raised the issue jointly at the Special Committee meeting.

CPN-UML representative in the committee Bhim Rawal, emerging from the Special Committee meeting, told media persons that they raised the issue and sought response from the prime minister and the finance minister, who represent the UCPN (Maoist) in the committee.

But the prime minister and the finance minister remained silent in the meeting.

“I do not want to comment on this issue,” said Pun emerging from the meeting.

Following the controversy, the Office of the Cantonment Management has made up its mind not to release this month´s allowances to the combatants until the actual number of the combatants is finalized.

“We have made up our mind only to release this month´s allowances after the actual number of the combatants is given to us," said a source at the Office of the Cantonment Management.

At the meeting, Pun had sought that the 6,500 quota allocated for integration should be increased in view of the increasing number of combatants opting for integration. But Nepali Congress and CPN-UML representatives on the committee replied that the seven-point agreement that fixed the integration quota cannot be renegotiated. However, Pun told journalists that there was an understanding at the meeting that the issue would be settled at the political level.

Special Committee demands future plan

In the meantime, the Special Committee has directed its secretariat to prepare a plan of events for integration and voluntary retirement of the Maoist combatants and has given a five-day deadline to prepare it.

In addition, the secretariat has been asked for suggestion on how the properties and infrastructures in the cantonments should be used after they will be vacated following the management of the Maoist combatants, said Jitendra Dev, a member of the Special Committee.

According to a record of the Cantonment Management Office, the government has spent Rs 263.85 millions from the Nepal Peace Trust Fund for construction of infrastructures in all the 28 cantonments in the last five years.
from http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=39473

'I fought for justice, but fell victim to injustice myself'

2011-12-12T04:15:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN

SAKRAM (DANG), Dec 12: For Hiramoti Singh Thakuri, joining the Maoist insurgency was more of a compulsion than inspiration.
Married off at the age of 15, Hiramoti struggled not only with grinding poverty, but also with her drunkard husband in the village of Nayakbada, Jajarkot.

Leaving her two-and-a-half years child under the care of her mother, Hiramoti, aka Namuna, finally left home to join insurgency in the spring of 2003. “I just wanted to break free from the harsh realities around me; it had nothing to do with revolt,” she says.

Despite the ordeals of war, she felt that her life was better than before. She fell in love with an injured colleague Sudhir Pun from Rukum, married him, and the couple gave birth to a child. When the insurgency was finally over in 2006, she dreamt of living a family life in society.

But fate dealt a cruel blow to Hiramoti, now 27, who worked as a section vice-commander during the insurgency. She is one of the few combatants dropped out during the second round of verification by the UNMIN.

“With baby on my back, I waited for hours to get registered. But the commanders told me that the quotas in the cantonment were already over. They told us whether we get registered or not, it would make no difference,” a visibly tired Hiramoti says.

She got Rs 2,000 per month for three months, and is not quite sure why she stopped receiving the money. Now, she lives with her child near the Sakram satellite camp in Dang in a room that costs her Rs 250 a month.

Her family survives on the meager salary of her husband Sudhir, who lost his left foot after being injured in a battle.

Some PLA members say the commanders had deliberately left some helpless combatants out of the cantonments during the second round of verification, replacing them with their kin. “Yes, some combatants have indeed suffered injustice, but I am not in a condition to do anything for them,” says a PLA man.

Bhim Kumari Darel from Rukum, also a wife of injured combatant, too was dropped out during the verification process.

“They left their relatives in safe havens while others took the forefront at the time of war. And now the genuine fighters are pushed out of the cantonments to let the relatives of the leaders reap the benefits,” says Nirmal Pariyar, an injured combatant at Sakram camp.

According to him, there are dozens of helpless personnel who have fallen victim to the injustice of the commanders.

As no separate arrangement has been made for the combatants who were injured during the insurgency, Hiramoti is not sure how long her family can survive with the money her injured husband will get in voluntary retirement.

“I fought for justice, but fell victim to injustice myself,” says Hiramoti.
from http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=39489

'Where's our deposit money, comrades?'

2011-12-07T03:45:00.000-08:00

POST B BASNET/KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Dec 7: With the process of their integration and rehabilitation moving ahead smoothly, personnel of the Maoist People´s Liberation Army (PLA) have sought the return of money the party has kept as “deposits”.

The Maoist party has been retaining Rs 1,000 from the salary of each of the 19,525 combatants every month since November 2006 till November, 2011.
The combatants were told that Rs 500 out of the Rs 1,000 was to be deposited as each combatant´s savings, while the rest of the money was to go to party headquarters, the combative outfit Young Communist League (YCL), and for various activities.

According to sources, the PLA commanders will soon hold talks with Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal about the return of the money.

“Our painful waiting at the cantonments is finally over and it is time to part ways. So the party should now return the money which was kept as savings,” said a PLA vice-commander who did not want to be named.

The total amount of money the party has collected from the salaries of the 19,528 combatants since 2006 stands Rs 1.17 billion.

Going by what the party pledged to the combatants, Rs 585.84 million should now go back into the pockets of the combatants.

But many junior PLA commanders doubt if the party will return the money easily.

“We are not sure if we will get the total amount we are supposed to get as voluntary retirement packages, let alone return of the deposits,” says a junior level commander.

But some others are mulling ´tough measures´ against the party if the money is not returned.

“We may have to resort to legal procedures for justice. We will knock at the doors of the courts,” said a junior commander.

The combatants have demanded the return of Rs 30,000 each, with interest.

As all the seven division commanders are from the party establishment, it is the party hardline faction that has vociferously demanded the return of the money.

And rank-and-file combatants from the party establishment have also joined hands with the hardliners on this issue.

“It is not a matter of factionalism. It is our common issue,” said a combatant.

Each of the seven PLA divisions is said to have millions of rupees kept from the combatants´ salaries. According to sources, a large portion of the money has already gone to party headquarters.

Besides, the combatants´ money has been invested in many ventures including the Jana Maitri Hospital and some FM radio stations.

Ex-Indian Army man guns for NA pension

2011-12-06T03:46:00.000-08:00

Khadga Bahadur Singh Thakuri aka Bishwaman, 58 (left) and Tej Bahadur Budha Magar, 53. Both are company commander and both are from Rolpa

KIRAN PUN
DAHABAN (ROLPA), Dec 6: An ex-serviceman of the Indian army, Khadga Bahadur Singh Thakuri, aka Bihswaman, joined the Maoist insurgency in 1996, and survived the worst battles.
Now 58 years old, Thakuri still has the same zeal and enthusiasm and has opted for integration in the Nepal Army (NA).

"I joined the Indian Army at 17 and joined the People´s War at 42. Why can´t I join the NA at 58?" asks Thakuri, a company commander at the fifth division in Rolpa. "I will share my experiences with the NA."

As a retired head constable in the Indian army, Thakuri draws Rs 12,000 a month as pension, and is hoping of drawing pensions from the NA also.

"The Indian pension will go to my elder wife and the NA pension to my younger wife," beams Thakuri, the husband of two.

Sita KC, his mother-in-law from the side of the youngest wife, reached the Rolpa cantonment the other day, and encouraged him to join the NA. She is only six years older than Thakuri.

"I have the same energy I had as a teenager. So, I am hopeful that I will be able to join the NA," he added. He was an eighth grader when he joined the Indian Army, and he passed SLS exams in first division during his stay in the cantonment.

After getting retirement from the Indian army in 1991, Thakuri was elected as the vice-chairman of Libang village development committee from then Samyukta Janamorcha Nepal, political front for election of CPN (Unity Centre) that included the current Maoist party.

He fought over a dozen wars bravely, but Thakuri is not sure how his contributions would be evaluated in history.

"I joined the insurgency to change the society for the better. Unfortunately, what we did has brought the changes in the lives of our leaders only."
from http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=39214

अधुरै रह्‍यो नेपाली कथाको सिक्वेल

2011-12-05T06:13:00.000-08:00

Photo: Rajesh KC

गिरीश गिरी, काठमाडौं, मंसिर १९- नेपाललाई धेरैले नचिनेको बेला यो सुन्दर मुलुकको कथा रचेर फराकिलो घेरामा पुर्‍याउने अभिनेता देव आनन्दको निधन भएको छ। उपचाररत लन्डनमा रहेका बेला उनले आफू बसेको होटलमै अन्तिम सास फेरेका थिए। बाँचुन्जेल कहिल्यै आराम नलिएका यी ८८ वर्षेलाई हृदयगति बन्द भएको कारण देखाउदै शनिबार राति दस बजे (नेपालमा आइतबार बिहान पौने चार बजे) चिकित्सकले मृत घोषित गरेका हुन्।
उनको जीवनकै सफल सिनेमाको सूचीमा पर्ने 'हरे रामा हरे कृष्णा' ले देव आनन्दलाई नेपालसँग जोडेको हो। भर्खर बाँकी विश्वका निम्ति खुलेको नेपाललाई चिनाउने कुनै सामग्री नरहेको त्यो बेला सन् १९७१ मा बनेको यो सिनेमाले काठमाडौं उपत्यका र यहाँको जनजीवनलाई कथानक बनाएको थियो। निर्माण प्रक्रिया पनि कम्ती रोचक थिएन।
नायकका रूपमा भारतीय फिल्म उद्योगको शिखर टेकिसकेका देव आनन्दले पहिलोपटक निर्देशक बनेर सन् १९७०मा 'प्रेम पुजारी' तयार पारेका थिए। चीन र पाकिस्तानसँग लडाईंको दृश्य समेटिएको उक्त सिनेमा तत्कालीन भारतमा अत्यन्तै विवादास्पद भयो। कोलकातालगायत सहरमा रिल जलाइए। तनावग्रस्त देव आनन्द त्यतिबेलै नेपाल आएका थिए। राजपरिवारको पाहुना बनेर आएका उनलाई सोल्टी होटलमा राखिएको थियो।
चार वर्षअघि प्रकाशित उनको जीवनी 'रोमान्सिङ विथ लाइफ'का अनुसार त्यतिबेलै उनले स्वयम्भूतिर घुम्न जाँदा अनौठो दृश्य देखे। हिप्पीको जगजगी रहेको तत्कालीन काठमाडौंमा एक भारतीय युवती त्यो हुलमा मिसिएर गाँजा तानिरहेकी थिइन्। यसले देव आनन्दलाई बेचैन बनायो। उनले होटलमा फर्किएर ती युवतीबारे पत्ता लगाउने प्रयास गरे। अन्त्यमा सोल्टीकै एक कर्मचारीले उनलाई युवतीसँग नजिक्याइदिए। भारतीय मूलकी ती क्यानेडेली युवती आमाबाबुको सम्बन्ध विच्छेदले संसारदेखि दिक्क भएकी रहिछन्। त्यसपछि हिप्पीको संगतमा लागेर उनीहरूको चर्चित रुट 'नेपाल' आइछन्। पूर्वेली समाजमा पनि पश्चिमको प्रभाव भित्रँदै गर्दा सम्बन्ध विच्छेद र सन्तानको विबचल्ली यताको कथा पनि बन्न थालिसकेको थियो। त्यसबाहेक लागूऔषधलाई कुनै 'अभियान' र 'धर्म' सँग जोड्दा त्यसको दुष्प्रभाव आँकलन गरेका देव आनन्दले यो सारा विषयवस्तु समेटेर सिनेमा बनाउने योजना बुने। उनलाई मनोरञ्जनका साथमा सिनेमा सन्देशमूलक होस् भन्ने पनि थियो।
देव आनन्दको मनशाय थाहा पाउने बित्तिकै तत्कालीन राजा महेन्द्रले उनलाई एकजना इन्स्पेक्टर साथ लगाएर पोखरा पठाए। शाही अतिथिकै रूपमा उनले पोखराको फिस्टेल लजमा बसेर लेखेको कथा लगत्तै सिनेमाको रुपमा आएको जानकारी पुस्तकमा छ।
नेपालसँग आफूलाई भावनात्मक रूपले नजिक देखाउने देव आनन्द त्यसपछि पटकपटक यहाँ आए। पछिल्लो भ्रमणका बेला उनले यस संवाददातालाई समकालीन नेपाललाई दर्साउने राम्रो कथा भेटिए फेरि सिनेमा बनाउने इच्छा रहेको बताएका थिए। यसैबीच उनले गत सेप्टेम्बरमा पुरानै सिनेमाको सिक्वेलका रूपमा 'हरे रामा हरे कृष्णा आज' बनाउने घोषणै गरेका थिए। तर, भर्खरै तयार पारेको सिनेमा 'चार्जसिट' रिलिज गर्न नपाउँदै उनले संसारबाट बिदा लिएका छन्।

एक महान 'अदाकार'को अन्त्य
अहिले पाकिस्तानमा मिसिएको तत्कालीन पन्जाब राज्यमा जन्मेका धर्मदेव पिसोरीमल आनन्दले लाहौरबाट अंग्रेजी साहित्यमा स्नातक गरेका थिए। पढाइ सकेपछि उनी जागिर खोज्दै मुम्बई पुगे र सधंैका निम्ति त्यसै सहरका बने। मुम्बई पुग्नेबित्तिकै उनको काम युद्धमैदानमा लडिरहेका सेनाले लेखेका चिठी उनीहरूको परिवारलाई सुनाउनु थियो। तलब महिनाको १ सय ६० रुपैयाँ।
केही समयमै थिएटरको काममा आवद्ध दाइ चेतन आनन्दको साथ लागेर उनले नाममात्र होइन, पेसा पनि फेरे। सन् १९४६ मा बनेको 'हम एक हैँ' उनको पहिलो सिनेमा थियो। केही समयमै उनको संगत तत्कालीन भारतीय फिल्म उद्योगका अर्का व्यक्तित्व गुरु दत्तसँग भयो। पुनामा एउटा सिनेमा सुटिङकै क्रममा भेटिएका गुरु दत्त पहिलोपटक जब देव आनन्दको सामुन्ने थिए, त्यतिबेला उनले लगाएको सर्ट गुरु दत्तकै थियो। गतिलो लुगा किन्न पैसा नभएकाले देव आनन्द धोबीको संगतमा राम्रा पोसाकको बन्दोबस्त गर्थे। गुरु दत्तसँग रोचक परिस्थितिमा मित्रता गाँसेका उनीहरू पछि यति नजिक भए, दुई हरदम एकअर्काको निम्ति काम गर्न तयार हुन्थे नै, एक अगाडि बढे अर्कोलाई पनि तान्ने आपसी सहमति पनि बनाए।
कसैलाई नटेरेर आफ्नै पारामा अनौठो गरी डाइलग बोल्ने, गाढा आँखा चम्काउने, निधार खुम्च्याउने र आँखीभौँ चौडा पार्ने यी 'विचित्र मानव' को हिँडाइ पनि बेग्लै हुन्थ्यो। अभिनयमा तत्कालीन हलिउड अभिनेता ग्रेगरी पेकसँग मिल्दोजुल्दो शैली विकास गरेका उनको कपालमा पनि पेककै प्रभाव थियो। 'सुरुमा कसैको प्रभाव अनुकरण गरेको हुनसक्ने भए पनि मलाई मन पराउने दर्शक बढेपछि यी प्रभाव अरुको भन्न मिल्दैन,' उनी भन्थे, 'त्यसैले यो म आफैंले विकास गरेको देव आनन्दकै शैली हो।'
आफ्ना यिनै गुणका कारण पहिलो सिनेमा खेलेको एक वर्ष नबित्दै उनी भारतीय फिल्म उद्योगका 'सुपरस्टार' बनिसकेका थिए। ६५ वर्षे फिल्मी जीवनमा उनले करिब १ सय १० वटा सिनेमा दिएका छन्।
१९६१ तिर देव आनन्द 'हम दोनो' का नायक थिए। त्यसको एउटा गीत थियो, 'मैं जिन्दगीका साथ निभाता चला गया, हर फिक्रको धुँवे में उडाता चला गया, बर्बादियोँका फिक्र मनाना फजुल था, बर्बादियोँका जश्न मनाता चला गया।' दर्शनमा आधारित यो गीतलाई पछि देव आनन्दले आफ्नै जीवनमा ढाले। उनले बाँचुन्जेल 'फिक्र' लाई धुँवामै उडाएर बिताए।
नत्र एक समय गायिका एवम् नायिका सुरैयासँग नजिकिएका देव आनन्दको प्रेम असफल भएपछि फेरि सहज जीवनमा आउनु कठिन थियो। उता सुरैया देव आनन्दमै समर्पित भएर आजीवन अविवाहित रहिन्। मुसलमान नातिनीलाई हिन्दु देव आनन्दसँग बिहे गराउन नदिने हजुरआमाका कारण उनीहरूको सम्बन्ध तोडिएको थियो।
जिनत अमान, टिना मुनिम, मुमताजदेखि अहिलेको तब्बुसम्मलाई भारतीय फिल्म उद्योगमा प्रवेश गराउने देव आनन्दले उनकै एक सिनेमाकी नायिका मोना सिंह(कल्पना कार्त्तिक) सँग बिहे गरे। उनीहरूका एक छोरा सुनील र छोरी देविना छन्।
पिताको मृत्यु हुँदा छोरा सुनील साथै थिए भने लन्डनमै आयोजना हुने अन्त्येष्टिका निम्ति श्रीमती र छोरी जाने भएका छन्।
१९७५ मा तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री इन्दिरा गान्धीले संकटकाल जारी गर्दा फिल्मी हस्तीको ठूलै समूह बनाएर विरोध गर्दै सडकमा उत्रिएका देव आनन्द एकताका राजनीतिबाट पनि अछुतो थिएनन्। तर, उनले पछि आफूलाई सिनेमामै केन्द्रित गरे।
'एउटा युगको अन्त्य भएको छ,' उनको निधनपछि अमिताभ बच्चनले टि्वट गरेका छन्, 'देव आनन्दले जुन शून्यता छाडेर गएका छन्, त्यो अब कहिल्यै पुरिने छैन।' बच्चनले आफ्नो धारणाबाट कहिल्यै नडग्ने र जीवनलाई सदैव उमंगका साथ बाँच्ने अग्रज अभिनेताका विशेषताको पनि प्रशंसा गरेका छन्।

देव आनन्द र कालो सुट केही वर्षअघि देव आनन्द नेपाल आएका बेला मैले उनीसँग भेट्ने मौका पाएको थिएँ। संवाददाताका हैसियतले प्रश्नहरू सोधियो र उत्तर पनि पाएँ। साथमै रहेका फोटो पत्रकार मित्र विकास रौनियारले क्यामरा रोकेर देव आनन्दलाई केही जिज्ञासा राखे।
'हामी केटाकेटी हुँदा मेरी हजुरआमाले तपाईंबारे धेरै कुरा सुनाउनुभएको थियो। त्यो बेला तपाईं कालो सुट लगाएर हिँड्दा युवतीहरु कौसीबाटै हाम्फाल्थे रे। त्यही भएकाले तन्नेरी उमेरमा तपाईंलाई कालो सुट लगाउनै प्रतिबन्ध लगाइएको थियो रे। हजुरआमाको भनाइ कत्तिको सत्य थियो?'
अचानक माहौल चुपचाप बन्यो। प्रश्न सुनेर एकछिन मौन बसेका देव आनन्द मन्द मन्द मुस्काए। झुक्दै गरेको टाउकोमा हत्केलाले समाते। फिस्स हाँसे र भने, 'तपाईंले जुन समय र सन्दर्भको कुरा गरिरहनुभएको छ, त्यो बेला मैले पनि कतिपय यस्ता अनौठा कुरा सुनेको थिएँ, तर, आजसम्म मलाई कसैले कुनै लुगा नलगाऊ भनेको जानकारी पाएको छैन।'
उनले तन्नेरी वयमा आफूलाई थुप्रै युवतीले मन पराउने र त्यसै कुरामा आधारित गरेर धेरै हल्ला फैलाइएको प्रष्ट पारेका थिए।
त्यस दिन मैले फोटो पत्रकार रौनियारकै प्रश्नलाई 'लिड' बनाएर समाचार लेखेँ। म पनि हजुरआमाहरूबाट त्यस्तै चर्चा सुनेर हुर्केको दक्षिण एसियाली पुस्ताकै एउटा प्रतिनिधि थिएँ।
from http://nagariknews.com/ent/movies/33901-2011-12-05-08-25-39.html

१९,५२५ लडाकुलाई कात्तिकसम्मकै भत्ता

2011-12-05T01:24:00.000-08:00

सरोजराज अधिकारी

काठमाडौ, मंसिर १८ -
सरकारले १९ हजार ५ सय २५ माओवादी लडाकुको कात्तिक मसान्तसम्मको भरणपोषण -रासन भत्ता) र मासिक भत्ताबापतको रकम निकासा गरिसकेको खुलेको छ ।

शान्ति मन्त्रालयअन्तर्गतको शिविर व्यवस्थापन केन्द्रीय समन्वयकर्ताको कार्यालयका लेखा अधिकृत विष्णुहरि वाग्लेले कात्तिकसम्मको रकम निकासा गरिसकेको जनाए । वर्गीकरणको प्रारम्भिक तथ्यांकअनुसार भने करिब तीन हजार लडाकु 'गायब' हुनसक्ने देखिएको छ ।

माओवादी सेनाका लडाकुको रेखदेख, समायोजन र पुनःस्थापनासम्बन्धी विशेष समिति मातहतको सचिवालयले हालै सकेको वर्गीकरणका बेला २ हजार ६ सय ७१ लडाकु अनुपस्थित देखिएका छन् । प्राविधिक कारणले कतिपय लडाकुको दोहोरो दर्ता भएकाले त्यसको पुनः जाँच गरिने सचिवालय संयोजक बालानन्द शर्माले बताए । सचिवालय स्रोतअनुसार दोहोरो दर्ता भएकाको संख्या घटाउँदा अनुपस्थित हुनेको संख्या तीन हजार पुग्ने अनुमान

छ । शिविर व्यवस्थापन कार्यालय स्रोतका अनुसार चितवनस्थित तेस्रो, सुर्खेतस्थित छैटौं र कैलालीस्थित सातौं शिविरबाहेक अन्य चार मुख्यसहित मातहतका १२ शिविरमा मंसिर महिनाको रासनबापतको करिब तीन करोड रुपैयाँसमेत वितरण भइसकेको छ ।

सचिवालयले सन् २०११ को सुरुमा अद्यावधिक गरेको तथ्यांकअनुसार अनमिनबाट प्रमाणित १९ हजार ६ सय २ लडाकुमध्ये भगौडा, मृत्यु र जेल परेकाको संख्या १ सय १४ थियो । प्रमाणित संख्यामा १ सय १४ घटाउँदा १९ हजार ४ सय ८८ हुन्छ । तर शिविर व्यवस्थापनले १९ हजार ५ सय २५ लडाकुलाई कात्तिकसम्मकै रासन र भत्ताबापतको रकम वितरण गरेको हिसाबले भगौडा, मृत्यु र जेल परेका ३७ जनाको नाममा समेत रकम लिइएको खुलासा भएको छ ।

केन्द्रीय शिविर व्यवस्थापन कार्यालयका सहसमन्वयकर्ता सहसचिव जयदेव श्रेष्ठका अनुसार रासनबापतको रकम कार्यालयले ७ मुख्य र २१ सहायक गरी २८ शिविरका कमान्डर वा उनले तोकेको प्रतिनिधिमार्फत एकमुष्ठ वितरण गर्दै आएको छ ।

'मासिक भत्ता भने स्थानीय शिविर व्यवस्थापन अधिकृतले प्रत्येक लडाकुलाई चेकमार्फत वितरण गर्दै आएका छन्,' उनले भने, 'मोबाइल बैंक लगेर त्यस्तो चेक शिविर आसपास नै सटही गर्ने व्यवस्था गरिएको छ ।'

झन्डै तीन हजार 'गायब' देखिएको अवस्थामा कसरी प्रत्येक लडाकुलाई हातहातमै चेक वितरण गरियो त ? भन्ने प्रश्नमा उनले भने, 'स्थानीय अधिकृतले परिचयपत्र लिएर आउनेलाई रकम दिने व्यवस्था छ । परिचयपत्र लिएर आउने व्यक्ति उही हो कि होइन भनेर परीक्षण गर्ने संयन्त्र हामीसँग छैन ।' लडाकुहरू परिचयपत्र बोकेर र ड्रेसमै उपस्थित हुने भएकाले त्यही आधारमा मासिक भत्ता वितरण हुने गरेको उनले जनाए ।

लडाकुका लागि बनाइएको आचारसंहिताअनुसार एकपटकमा १२ प्रतिशत लडाकु घर बिदामा बस्न पाउँछन् । स्थानीय शिविर व्यवस्थापन अधिकृत मासिक भत्ता वितरण गर्न पुगेका बेला कमान्डरहरूले लडाकु बिदामा गएको भन्दै उनीहरूको चेक आफैंले बुझ्ने गरेको स्रोतले बतायो । 'दोहोर्‍याएर, तेहेर्‍याएर जाने अनुकूलता पनि पर्दैन । त्यसमाथि कमान्डरले आफैंलाई दिन दबाब दिएपछि सवालजवाफ गर्ने अवस्था छैन,' एक स्थानीय शिविर व्यवस्थापन अधिकृतले भने ।

वर्गीकरणका बेला 'गायब' देखिएको संख्या शिविर स्थापना लगत्तैको भए बितेका पाँच वर्षमा उनीहरूका नाममा कमान्डरहरूले करिब डेढ अर्ब रुपैयाँ बुझिसकेका छन् । माओवादी अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहालले पनि तीन हजार लडाकु 'गायब' हुनसक्ने स्वीकार गरेका छन् । 'तीन हजार नै अनुपस्थित देखिएको मान्दा पनि उनीहरूको पैसा पार्टीले लिएको छैन । शिविरकै पूर्वाधार निर्माण र औषधोपचारमा खर्च भएको छ,' आइतबार कान्तिपुरमा प्रकाशित अन्तर्वार्तामा दाहालले भनेका छन् ।

सुरुमा ३ हजार प्रतिमहिना रहेको लडाकु भत्ता माओवादी अध्यक्ष दाहाल प्रधानमन्त्री बनेपछि २०६५ असोजमा बढाएर ५ हजार पुर्‍याइएको थियो । प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईले २०६८ साउनबाट लागू हुनेगरी लडाकु भत्ता ६ हजार ५ सय पुर्‍याएका छन् । रासनबापत भने सुगम, दुर्गम हेरी प्रतिलडाकु दैनिक ७२, ७६, ८० र १ सय १० रुपैयाँ दिने गरिएको छ । अनुपातमा यो रकम प्रतिलडाकु मासिक ३ हजार हुन जाने कार्यालयले जनाएको छ ।

भरणपोषण र मासिक भत्ताबाहेक पनि कार्यालयले 'अन्य' शीर्षकमा करिब ४६ करोड रुपैयाँ खर्च गरेको छ । यो रकम शिविर स्थापनाका बेला सुरुमा टहरा निर्माणमा करिब २० करोडसहित अहिलेसम्मको बिजुली, टेलिफोन, खाद्यान्नलगायतको ढुवानीबापतको खर्च हो ।

यसबाहेक शान्ति मन्त्रालयअन्तर्गतकै 'नेपाल पिस ट्रस्ट फन्ड' ले स्वास्थ्य मन्त्रालयमार्फत बितेको पाँच वर्षमा औषधि, उपचारबापत मात्रै लडाकुका लागि एक अर्बभन्दा बढी खर्च गरेको स्रोतले बतायो । सरकार र दातृ निकायकोे सहयोगसमेतमा शान्ति स्थापनासम्बन्धी कार्य गर्न स्थापना गरिएको फन्डले भौतिक योजना तथा निर्माणलगायत विभिन्न मन्त्रालयमार्फत शिविरका भौतिक संरचना, बाटो, खानेपानीलगायत निर्माणमा २० अर्बभन्दा बढी रकम खर्चेकोे मन्त्रालय स्रोतले बतायो ।

आर्थिक वर्ष    भरणपोषण -रासन भत्ता)    मासिक भत्ता

०६३/६४    १७३९२०५६०।-    ९२५५६०००।-

०६४/६५    ५१०७५१५६०।-    ५१४४८५०००।-

०६५/६६    ५४७५४४७२४।-    १८५५३४४५८३।-

०६६/६७    ५६४९०८५८८।-    ११७३५२७७४०।-

०६७/६८    ५६२८४०१५२।-    ११६९०८००००।-

०६८/६९    १८८९६८९९४।-    ४४४२५६५५४।-

जम्मा    २५४८९३४५७८।-    ६०८२२५६८७७।-

रासन र भत्ता        ८६३११९१४५५।-

अन्य खर्च        ४५९९७१४४४।-

कुल खर्च        ९०९११६२८९९।-

from http://www.ekantipur.com/kantipur/news/news-detail.php?news_id=257867

'शान्ति प्रकि्रयापछि जातभात हेर्न थालियो'

2011-12-04T23:11:00.000-08:00

सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वका क्रममा अपांग भएकी माओवादी कार्यकर्ता विजेश्वरी शाही र उनका अपांग लडाकु श्रीमान् । तस्बिर: कलेन्द्र सेजुवाल/नागरिक

कलेन्द्र सेजुवाल, सुर्खेत मंसिर १७
कालिकोट चिल्खायाकी विजेश्वरी शाही २०५८ सालमा माओवादी 'जनयुद्ध'मा होमिदा १४ वर्षकी थिइन् । ९ कक्षाको पढाइ छाडेर बन्दुक बोक्दा उनले देखेका थुप्रैमध्ये एक सपना थियो 'नयाँ नेपाल' । तर दशक लामो यात्रामा उनले नयाँ नेपाल देख्नु त कता-कता आफूबाट थुप्रै गुमाइन् । 'युद्धका बेला गोली लागेर हात काटियो नाबालक छोरो पनि गुमाएँ,' उनी भन्छिन् 'अहिले घर न घाटको भएर बस्नु परेको छ ।'
विजेश्वरीका श्रीमान् पदमराज परियार अपांग लडाकु हुन् । २०६१ साल माघमा सुर्खेतको भेरीपुलमा भएको दोहोरो भीडन्तमा उनको खुट्टामा गोली लाग्यो । त्यसअघि दाङ आक्रमणका बेला शरीरमा गडेका बमका छर्राले अहिले पनि पीडा दिइरहेका छन् । 'जनताको मुक्तिका लागि भनेर ज्यानको प्रवाह नगरीकन युद्ध लड्यौं अहिले भने आफ्नै जीवन अघि बढाउन मुस्किल भइसक्यो,' पदमराज गुनासो गर्छन् ।
यो जोडीले युद्धमा अंगभंग भएको भन्दा ठूलो पीडा अन्तरजातीय विवाहको कारण भोगिरहेको छ । युद्धको बेला अन्तरजातीय विवाहलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्ने माओवादीले अहिले आफ्नो समस्यामाथि मौनता साँधेकोमा उनीहरु दुःखी छन् । 'बरु युद्धका बेला जातभातको कुरा बाहिर आउँथेन,' विजेश्वरीले भनिन्, 'शान्ति प्रकि्रयापछि त गाउँघरमा झन् जातभात हेर्न थालियो यसले गर्दा माइतीसँगको सम्बन्ध बिगि्रएर गयो ।'
माइतीले श्रीमान्सँग सम्बन्धविच्छेद गरी पशुपतिमा गएर जिवबो चोख्याएर आएमा मात्र छोरी मान्ने सर्त राखेको उनले बताइन् । त्यसैले उनी विवाह भएको आठ वर्षसम्म पनि माइत गएकी छैनन् ।
कालिकोटको पादमघाट भीडन्तमा सेनाको गोली लागेर बायाँ हात गुमाएकी विजेश्वरीले शान्ति प्रकि्रयापछि राज्यबाट राहत पाएकी छैनन् । 'जनयुद्धका घाइते'को सूचीमा नाम राख्न पार्टीका नेताहरुलाई बारम्बार आग्रह गरे पनि बेवास्ता गरेको उनको गुनासो छ । 'एकपटक त रणवीर (माओवादी केन्द्रीय सदस्य भरत बम)लाई चिठी लेखेरै दिएँ' उनले भनिन् 'तैपनि मेरो पीडा पार्टीले बुझेन ।'
शान्ति प्रकि्रयासँगै पार्टी-संगठनमा सामेल विजेश्वरी लेखफसा्रस्थित खारखोली गाउँमा र पदमराज घोराही-सतबरिया बि्रगेडको घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकु शिविरमा बस्छन् । सेना समायोजन प्रकि्रयापछि भने आफ्ना दुःखका दिन सुरु भएका उनीहरु बताउँछन् । 'शारीरिक श्रम गरेर कमाउन सक्ने स्थिति छैन नियमित आम्दानीको माध्यम पनि छैन,' सेनामा जाने इच्छा भए पनि अपांगताका कारण स्वेच्छिक अवकाश रोजेका पदमराजले भने 'जनयुद्धमा लाग्दाको फल त अब पाइएला जस्तो छ ।' लडाकु शिविरमा बस्दा राज्यले मासिक रुपमा दिने भत्ताबाट गुजारा गरे पनि अब कसरी जीवन धान्ने भन्ने चिन्ता थपिएको उनले बताए ।
from Nagarik

राम्रा नाम पाउँदै दलित बालबालिका

2011-12-04T21:48:00.000-08:00

पर्सा परसवाका मुसहर समूदायका पूजा माझी, अमृता र निशा तस्बिर खिचाउँदै। तस्बिर : उपेन्द्र लामिछाने

उपेन्द्र लामिछाने, वीरगन्ज, मंसिर १८- दलित समुदायले पछिल्लो समयमा आफ्ना बालबालिकालाई चलनचल्तीका राम्रा नाम दिन थालेका छन्। आफूभन्दा ठूलो समूदायसँग नाम मिल्ने डरले 'चल्तीकाभन्दा फरक' नाम राख्दै आएका उनीहरु पछिल्लो राजनितिक परिवर्तनसँगै आफ्ना नानीहरुलाई राम्रो नाम दिन थालेका हुन्।

'हाम्रा बालबालिका लागि पण्डितले नै राम्रा नाम जुराउँदैनथे', पर्सा चोर्नी-७ का अघन माझीका छोरा चोकटले भने- 'मैले छोरीको नाम आफ्नै पूजा राखे।' नर्सरीमा पढ्दै गरेकी उनकी छोरी आफ्नो नामबाट खुसी भएको उनले सुनाए।

अफ्टेरो नामका कारण कतिपय बालबालिका आफ्नो नाम नै बताउन नचाहने मटर माझीले सुनाए। 'मेरा बुबाको नाम तुला थियो', उनले भने- 'मैले आफ्नो छोराको नाम राजु राखे।' नामकै कारण साना नानीहरु विद्यालय जानसमेत लजाउने गरेकाले आफूले राम्रो नाम राखेको उनले सुनाए।

रङ्ग, जिउडाल र चाल-चलन र जन्मेका महिना तथा दिनको आधारमा उनीहरुको नाम रहने गरेको बारा बकुलियाका दशै चौधरीले बताए। 'हामीले उनीहरुलाई केही भनेका थिएनौं', उनले विगत सुनाए- 'उनीहरु आफैँ जे मन लाग्यो त्यही नाम राख्थे।' गैरदलितका अविभावकले राजेन्द्र, नगेन्द्र, राजकुमार, मनिषजस्ता नाम आफ्ना बालबालिकालाई दिँदै गर्दा दलित समूदायले भने करिया, भादो, भिखारी, पोतन, गेना, अक्कलु, झगरु, पल्टु लगायतका नाम राख्‍ने गरेको चौधरीले सुनाए।

'तर अहिले फरक भएको छ', जीतपुरका फरियाद अंसारी भन्छन्- 'दलित बालबालिका राम्रा नाम सुनिन थालेको छ।' बजार, विद्यालय र विद्युतीय उपकरणमा उनीहरुको पहुँच पुग्न थालेपछि नाम परिवर्तन हुन थालेको उनको बुझाई छ। 'अब त अर्चना, कुसुम, कसिसजस्ता नाम पनि सुनिन थालेको छ', उनले बताए।
from http://nagariknews.com/society/nation/33867-2011-12-04-10-43-59.html

एकै खुट्टामा तीन घन्टा उभिएर मन्त्रीको स्वागत

2011-12-04T21:42:00.000-08:00

सुरेश यादव, जनकपुर, मंसिर १९ - गाउँमा स्वास्थ्यमन्त्री आउने खबर सुनेर दंग थिइन्, आठ वर्षीया प्रियंका ठाकुर। धनुषा, सबैलाकी उनी आइतबार दिउँसो एक हातमा माला र अर्को हातमा बैशाखी समातेर तीन घन्टासम्म उभिरहिन्।
तर, मन्त्रीलाई आफ्नै हातले माला लगाइदिएर चार वर्षदेखि झेलिरहेको दुःख बिसाउने उनको प्रयास खेर गयो। घन्टौंपछि आएका स्वास्थ्यमन्त्रीले स्वागतमा पंक्तिबद्ध गाउँकै मदन आश्रित राष्ट्रिय निमाविका छात्रछात्रालाई देखे-नदेख्यै गरे। प्रियंका त्यही स्कुलमा तीन कक्षा पढ्छिन्।

मन्त्री त भित्र प्रवेशै नगरी कार्यकर्तासँगै अल्मलिए। बरु मन्त्रीसँगै आइपुगेका कार्यकर्ताको भीडमा च्यापिएर प्रियंकाले बैशाखी नै गुमाइन्। मन्त्रीको गलामा लगाउन हातमा बोकेको माला कता गयो कता! धन्न, हावाहुरी जस्तो भीडमा जसोतसो जीउ सम्हाल्न सफल भएकी प्रियंकालाई देखाउँदै एक सञ्चारकर्मीले उनको अपांगताबारे मन्त्रीलाई जानकारी गराउनसम्म भ्याए।

मन्त्रीलाई कार्यकर्ताको घेरा छाडेर बालिकाको दुःख सुन्ने फुर्सद पनि थिएन। प्रियंकाले भुइँबाट सकिनसकी पुनः हातमा लिएको माला खोस्दै मन्त्री मञ्चमा गएर बसे।
स्वास्थ्य तथा जनसंख्यामन्त्री राजेन्द्र महतो पुरानै प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केन्द्रको नयाँ भवन शिलान्यास गर्न आइतबार सबैला आएका थिए। चार वर्षअघि सामान्य ज्वरो आउँदा त्यही केन्द्रका चिकित्सकले लगाइदिएको सुईको असरका कारण प्रियंकाको खुट्टा गुमेको थियो।

'चार वर्षको उमेरमा ज्वरो आउँदा यही स्वास्थ्य केन्द्र ल्याएका थियौं, डाक्टरले सुई लगाइदिए,' प्रियंकाकी आमा सरिताले भनिन्, 'घर फर्केपछि ज्वरो त निको भयो। तर, सुई लगाएको तिघ्रा सुन्निँदै रातोबाट कालो भयो। हड्डी सडिसकेछ। पछि खुट्टै काटेर फाल्नुपर्‍यो।'
courtesy from http://nagariknews.com/news-highlights/139-highlights/33884-2011-12-05-03-14-09.html

शिविरमा टुटेका सपना

2011-12-03T06:00:00.000-08:00

गजेन्द्र बोहरा, दाङ, मंसिर १७- विद्यार्थीकालमै युद्धमा होमिएका रुकुमका भुलबहादुर सुनारले त्यतिबेला एउटा सपना देखेका थिए- 'नयाँ नेपाल' बनाउने। त्यसैले उनी 'लालसेना'मा भर्ती भए। कैंयौ प्रहरी चौकी आक्रमण गरे। सेनाका ब्यारेकमा हमला गरे।
तर २०५९ कात्तिक २८ गते उनको सपनामा 'खोट' लाग्यो। त्यतिबेला माओवादीको आधाजसो लडाकु फोर्स जुम्लाको सैनिक ब्यारेक आक्रमणमा होमिएको थियो। लडाइँको त्यो मोर्चामा उनी पनि थिए। कताबाट गोली आयो, थाहा भएन। ब्युझँदा माओवादीकै उपचार क्याम्पमा थिए, एउटा खुट्टा नचल्ने अवस्थामा। पार्टीले उनलाई लडाइँबाट विदाइ गर्‍यो।

युद्धको बेला थियो। राम्रो ठाउँमा उपचार भएन। दुई महिना ढिला गरी पार्टीले भारत लगेर उपचार गरायो। 'धेरै ढिला भएर मेरो दाहिने खुट्टा गलिसकेको रहेछ,' उनले भने, 'कामै नगाल्ने भएपछि काटेर फाल्नुपर्‍यो।'

त्यसपछि उनको सहारा बन्यो बैशाखी।
२०६३ मा बृहत शान्ति सम्झौता भयो। माओवादी लडाकुहरू शिविरमा एकत्रित गरिए। उनीहरूका लागि देशभरि सातवटा मुख्य शिविर बनाइयो। त्यसैको मातहत ३-४ वटा सहायक शिविरमा लडाकुहरू बस्न थाले। रोल्पाको दहवनस्थित पाँचौं मुख्य डिभिजनअन्तर्गतको सहायक शिविर दाङको सक्राम उनको ठेगाना बन्यो।

त्यहाँ घाइते तथा अपांगहरूका लागि छुट्टै आवासको व्यवस्था गरिएको थियो। 'शिविरभित्र बस्न थालेपछि सपना फेरियो,' उनले भने, 'जीवन व्यवस्थित गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने सोच आयो, समायोजनपछि आजीवन पेन्सन पाइन्छ, त्यसबाट घरमै बसेर पार्टीलाई सहयोग गर्ने र छोराछोरीको भविष्य राम्रो बनाउने सपना बुन्न थालेँ।'

'अहिले सबै सपना एकैपटक टुटे, हामीलाई नौ लाख रुपैयाँ दिएर विदाइ गर्ने रे! सुन्दा धेरै निरास भइयो, पार्टीले पनि हामीलाई यसरी हेपेको भोग्नुपर्‍यो,' उनको अनुहारमा एकाएक निराशा पोतियो।

अब उनको अर्को सपना छ- 'छोराछोरी राम्रोसँग पढाउने।

'यत्रो वर्ष लथालिंग भएको घर सम्हाल्नुपर्‍यो, आफ्नो ज्यान छ, श्रीमती छे,' उनले भने, 'छोराछोरीको भविष्यको कुरा छ, आफ्नो त जीवनै अपांग भयो, पार्टीको पनि हेला भइयो, छोराछोरीलाई राम्रोसँग पढाउने सपना पनि के हुने हो कुन्नी?'
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सल्यानकी सीता केसीको एउटा आँखाको ज्योति गुमेको छ। लडाइँका बेला गोलीका छर्रा लागेपछि उनले आँखा गुमाइन्। वर्गीकरणको काम सकिएपछि घर फिर्ता हुने दिनले उनलाई पिरोल्न थालेको छ।

लडाकु वर्गीकरणका क्रममा स्वेच्छिक अवकाश रोजेकी उनी घर फर्कन पनि त्यति सजिलो नभएको बताउँछिन्।

उनको सपना भनेको 'छोरालाई पढाउने लेखाउने, ठूलो मान्छे बनाउने' हो। उनका अनुसार पार्टीले लडाकुको जीवनलाई 'चिया पिउने प्लास्टिकको गिलास'जस्तै बनायो। 'खायो अनि फालिदियो।'

परिवारको सहमतिमै पार्टीमा लागेर युद्ध लडेकी उनलाई घरपरिवारले पनि वास्ता गर्न छाडेको छ। शारीरिक रूपमा असक्त भएकी उनलाई श्रीमानको सहारामा बाँच्ने आस पनि छैन। दुवै आँखा नदेख्ने आफ्ना श्रीमान् र ५ वर्षीय छोरालाई आफ्नो एउटा आँखाले बाटो देखाउनुपर्ने बाध्यता सुनाउँदै उनले भनिन्, 'हेरौं मेरो एउटा आँखाको ज्योतिले कहिलेसम्म बाटो देख्ने हो।'

उनका श्रीमान लालबहादुर केसीलाई २०६१ मा सप्तरीमा प्रहरीले पक्राउ गरी करेन्ट लगाएर यातना दिएपछि दुवै आँखाको ज्योति गुमेको केसीले सुनाइन्।

'पार्टीले यहाँसम्म हेला गर्‍यो, साह्रै हेपेर निर्णय गरेको रहेछ,' उनले भनिन्।
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वर्गीकरण प्रक्रिया सकिएलगत्तै आफूहरू 'हेपिएको' भन्दै माओवादी शिविरमा रहेका घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकुहरूले आन्दोलनको तयारी गरिरहेका छन्।

वर्गीकरण सकिएपनि आफ्ना नौबुँदे माग सम्बोधन नभए समायोजन प्रक्रियामै 'अवरोध' गर्नेसम्मको चेतावनी उनीहरूले दिएका छन्। शुक्रबार दाङको सक्रामस्थित दीर्घस्मृति बिग्रेडमा पत्रकार सम्मेलन गरेर ती घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकुले २९ सदस्यीय संघर्ष समिति गठन गरे। समितिले मंसिर २१ देखि आन्दोलन चर्काउने योजना बनाएको छ।

बुधबार मुख्य शिविर दहवनमा आएका पार्टी अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहाल र प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईलाई उनीहरूले आफ्ना नौबुँदे माग सम्बोधन गर्न मंसिर २१ सम्मको अल्टिमेटम दिएका थिए। 'त्यसपछि हामी आन्दोलन चर्काउनेछौं,' घाइते तथा अपांग योद्धा संघर्ष समितिका संयोजक खुसीराम चौधरीले भने, 'सडकमा पनि जानसक्छौं, आवश्यक परे समायोजन प्रक्रिया रोक्न सकिन्छ।'

बैठकले सरकार, राजनीतिक दल तथा विभिन्न संघसंगठन एवं अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय स्तरसम्ममा आफ्ना माग पुर्‍याउन र आवश्यक छलफल गर्न चौधरीकै संयोजकत्वमा ५ सदस्यीय वार्ता टोली पनि गठन गरेको छ। टोलीले माग पूरा गर्न सरकारसँग वार्ता गर्नेछ र पार्टीलाई दबाब दिइरहनेछ। त्यसका लागि मंसिर २१ पछि राजधानी जाने योजना पनि समितिले बनाएको छ।

'अब हामी देशका सातैवटा डिभिजनमा समन्वय गर्नेछौं, हाम्रो आन्दोलनलाई कसरी अघि बढाउने भन्नेबारे छलफल गर्नेछौं,' चौधरीले भने, 'माग पूरा नभएसम्म निरन्तर आन्दोलन गरिरहनेछौं, समायोजन प्रक्रिया कसरी अवरुद्ध गर्ने भन्ने योजना पनि बनाइरहेका छौं।'

मुख्य शिविर अवलोकन क्रममा पार्टी अध्यक्षसहित आएका प्रधानमन्त्री भट्टराईले घाइते तथा अपांगहरूको निम्ति अवस्था हेरेर विशेष समितिमार्फत् थप राहतको व्यवस्था गर्ने आश्वासन दिएको उनले बताए। 'प्रधानमन्त्रीले घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकुहरूलाई तीन भागमा छुट्ट्याएर थप व्यवस्था गरिदिन्छौं भन्नुभएको छ,' उनले भने।

प्रधानमन्त्रीले लडाकुहरूलाई अतिजटिल, मध्यम अनि सामान्य घाइतेका रूपमा वर्गीकरण गरेर अवकाशका लागि दिइने रकम र थप अरू केही राहत प्याकेजसमेत व्यवस्था गरिदिने आश्वासन दिएको उनले बताए।

उनका अनुसार देशभरि करिब ५ हजारको हाराहारीमा घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकु छन्। 'हामीले घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकुको यकिन तथ्यांक अझै संकलन गरेका छैनौं, तर सबै डिभिजनका साथीहरूलाई भनिसकेका छौं,' उनले भने, 'अब चाँडै संख्या निर्क्योल गर्नेछौं।'

घाइते तथा अपांग लडाकुका माग :

१.राज्यबाट सम्मानपत्र तथा कदरपत्र
२.आजीवन उपचारको ग्यारेन्टी गर्नुपर्ने र राज्यबाट पेन्सन
३.बालबच्चालाई शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य र रोजगारीको ग्यारेन्टी
४.स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जानेलाई उच्चस्तरको कमान्डरसरहको आर्थिक प्याकेज
५.अयोग्य ठहरिएकालाई योग्य घाइते योद्धासरहको सुविधा
६.जनयुद्धमा घाइते भई शिविरभित्र उपचारको अभावमा सहादत प्राप्त योद्धाहरूको परिवारलाई सेवासुविधा उपलब्ध गराउनुपर्ने कि सहिद घोषणा गर्नुपर्ने।
७.साह्रै असक्तलाई उच्चस्तरको सुविधा
८. राज्यबाट बिनाधितो ऋण
९.स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जानेलाई एकमुष्ठ रकम
from http://nagariknews.com/news-highlights/139-highlights/33811-2011-12-03-03-54-57.html

Defectors to PLA want integration

2011-12-03T04:15:00.000-08:00

Anjan Kumar Timilsina with People's Liberation Army (PLA) uniform

Anjan Kumar Timilsina with then Royal Nepal Army's uniform

KIRAN PUN
DAHABAN (Rolpa), Dec 3: A corporal in the then Royal Nepal Army (now Nepal Army), Anjan Kumar Timilsina, defected to the Maoist People´s Liberation Army (PLA) in 2001 to realize the ´ideals of revolution´.
A decade later, Timilsia, 42, is not sure whether his dream has come true -- or will ever do so. But he regards himself better placed to serve the country, and has applied for integration into the army.

"With the experience of working with both the NA and PLA, I think I can now contribute better to my country," says Timilsina, who is one of 117 army personnel who defected to the PLA during the insurgency. Two of Timilsina´s brothers, one of them also an NA defector, were also in the PLA and were subsequently killed during the conflict.

Among NA personnel who defected to the PLA, Timilsina, who heads the PLA training department at Hattikhor, is alone to rise to the level of brigade commander.

Recruited in the NA in 1989, Timilsina had run away from the Jiri barracks. According to him, he had persuaded a dozen others also to defect to the PLA, but there was a state of emergency then and the plan failed. “Finally, I quit the barracks at 4 a.m. without my weapon,” he said.

Life has come full circle for Timilsina, who says he is comfortable about joining the army again. "I will not face any hardship; NA officers and former colleagues have been asking me to join," he says.

Timilsina´s brother Ram Krishna, a former army man who defected to the PLA in 1999, was killed when security forces attacked PLA personnel returning after storming Arghakhachi headquarters in 2002. Another of his brothers, Shivahari, was also in the PLA and was killed in 2003 at Rupandehi by the security forces.

Indra Roka Magar, 25, is another NA man who defected to the PLA, in 2005, and he has now applied for integration.

Similarly, Fourth Division Vice-commander Kal Bahadur Nath, who left the NA in 1986, before the insurgency, has also filed for integration.

According to PLA sources, around 195 personnel from the Nepal Army, Nepal Police (NP) and Armed Police Force (APF) had joined the PLA. The defections started after 1997.

Altogether 12 security personnel had defected to the PLA with their weapons.

Most of them were, however, either killed in action or quit the PLA to start new occupations or went abroad for employment.

Integration of former NA soldiers is a disputed issue, however.

According to sources, the NA has already requested the government to persuade them to opt for either voluntary retirement or rehabilitation.

“It will be problematic if the set criteria qualify them for higher positions than their former colleagues in the NA,” said an army officer.
from http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=39027

Cindered dreams

2011-12-02T05:34:00.000-08:00

Ram Lal Roka Magar 'Madan' (Currently the Division vice commander, left) and Sural Pun 'Ajayshakti' (Currently Bataright). Madan and Sural are Mit (two friends who announce their friendship amidst a ceremony and who will have cultural as well as legal bindings afterward as per the tradition in Nepal). Madan from Rolpa and Sural from Rukum, were met during the initial period of People’s War when both of them were heading their respective platoons through the jungles spending one and half month on the way to meet at Kalikot in Karnali.

KIRAN PUN

Though categorization -- the initial phase of the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants -- has come to an end, a cloud of uncertainty still hovers over People Liberation Army (PLA) personnel.

What does the future hold for those who opted for voluntary-retirement? What’ in store for those who have decided to join the Nepal Army?

After spending their most productive years in war and cantonments, they are now left with cindered dreams.

Fifteen years – 10 in the war and five in the cantonments— have been wasted in the name of revolution. And 15 years is a long enough time.

The perplexity has struck the politically aware commanders as well. Even though the process has been termed “integration”, in reality it’s recruitment.

The differences in mannerism and etiquettes have dumbstruck the ones selected for integration.

They say they are taken aback by the disparity in the Armed Police Force, the force that was formed by bringing the Nepal Army and the Nepal Police together.

They are doubtful that despite their capacity they would not be allowed to work in dignified way under the Nepal Army’s directorate.

They feel the leaders have betrayed them with false dreams. Leaders have been accused of selling the dreams of thousands of PLAs, martyrs, the disappeared and the injured for power.

“It seems as if we sacrificed our happiness not to bring a change but for Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai to become prime ministers,” they complained.

“I bought the Maoist’s dream hoping that one day the poor would have a better life,” said one of the PLA, who had left the NA to join the war.

Republica’s Kiran Pun visited Dahaban cantonment in Rolpa from October 30 to November 5. The cantonment was dominated by PLA members from Rolpa, Rukkum, Salyan, Pyuthan and Dang.

The re-categorization that started on November 1 saw the participation of 2140 PLAs in this particular cantonment. Amongst them 1,365 has chosen to be part of the integration process and the rest opted for voluntary retirement.

In the UNMIN’s ongoing second verification process, 19,602 have been verified as PLA. At present, they are living in seven major and 21 satellite cantonments.

Representative of the Injured PLA of the fifth division holding a press conference with Minister for Peace Satya Pahadi and PLA Chief Nanda Kishore Pun, who were at the Division headquarters monitoring the categorization after they were handed a memorandum demanding lifelong pension.

Section Commander Hiramoti Singh Thakuri “Namuna”, 27, is one of the many who were deprived of verification by their commanders. She had gone Dahaban, main camp of the PLA fifth Division, at the verification for a second time, when she was with her 13-day-old baby. But her commanders did not allow saying quota was over.

PLA personnel at a briefing by Brigade Commander Himanchal before queuing up to get the categorization forms.

From left: Singha Bahadur Shrestha, DIG, Armed Police, Rajbahadur Budha Magar, Divison Vice commander and Leeladhar Chaudhary, Lieutenant Colonel of Nepal Army discussing how to handle categorization with well manner.

A PLA member taking a picture next to the helicopter in which the Minister for Peace Satya Pahadi and PLA Chief Nanda Kishore Pun arrived at the division in Dahaban for the categorization monitoring.

Rudra Tiwari 'Darshan' on his way to fill the forms with his daughter. Tiwari has also opted for voluntary retirement.

Women with children less than three years of age stay outside the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) camp as it’s difficult for them to do their daily duties with babies in tow. But they come to the camp during the day along with their children. There are nearly 400 kids at the fifth division of Dahaban cantonement located in Rolpa.

Adhar Pun and Bipana readying their child to take pictures after the completion of the parade. This couple has taken voluntary retirement.
from http://theweek.myrepublica.com/details.php?news_id=39070

Division commanders jostle for post in NA directorate

2011-11-30T03:13:00.001-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 30: With the PLA integration process making steady headway, senior Maoist commanders have entered a race to become the highest ranking Nepal Army (NA) official from among themselves.
Sources say that is why six of the division commanders have opted for integration, though Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal had earlier asked them to make arrangements for integration of only those below the rank of division vice-commander. “We don´t want to lose the opportunity to become the leading ex-PLA in the directorate. Also, we will otherwise severely weaken our bargaining capacity with the party for better positions,” said a division commander who did not want to be named.

According to sources, each of the six division commanders is using his own political channel and power to influence Dahal to bag the position, and the latter is facing a tough time choosing one of the commanders.
Party insiders say Dahal wants his favorite commander Santu Darai, who is also his security chief, to the leading ex-PLA in the directorate, but he is wary of creating rifts within his own faction, and wants to handle things tactfully. All the division commanders are from the party establishment faction.
Party Military Bureau Chief Barshaman Pun is, however, lobbying for Dhan Bahadur Maski Magar. Deputy Commander Chandra Prakash Khanal, on the other hand, wants to appoint Yam Bahadur Adhikari in the much sough-after position. Similarly, Tej Bahadur Oli is the favorite of party leader Janardan Sharma, who has a good hold over the PLA.
Second Division Commander Suk Bahadur Roka Magar for his part is in the lists of both PLA chief Nand Kishor Pun and Barsh Man Pun.
Interestingly, regional politics is playing a crucial role, as usual, in picking the PLA commander for the NA directorate.
Dahal wants to pick Darai, who is from his home district Chitwan, Sharma wants Oli, who is from his own district Rukum, and Roka Magar from Rolpa is in the lists of both Barshaman from Nanda Kishor, who are also from that district.
Party insiders say there is long-standing enmity between leaders from Rolpa and Rukum districts. Sharma rather wishes Dahal to pick Oli for the position, but not Roka Magar from Rolpa.
Kali Bahadur Kham, Fifth Division commander who was purportedly suspended from his position due to alleged involvement in some criminal cases, is not in the race.
“The chairman has not yet disclosed how many senior positions we will get in the directorate. So we filled in the integration forms for now,” Mahendra Bahadur Shahi, Sixth Division commander, told Republica.
In the first PLA General Staff meeting since the Nov 1 peace deal, Dahal had stated that there would be some ´political appointments´ to senior positions in the directorate, though leaders from the other political parties say they are not aware of any such appointments.
Nep Bahadur Kunwar Magar, Sixth Division vice-commander, argues that there is yet another reason why six of the vice-commanders have filled the integration forms.
“They issued a fiat to the rank and file to opt for integration. So they had to justify that fiat and avoid facing the wrath of low-rank personnel at this juncture,” said Magar.

Scions of Maoist brass for retirement package

2011-11-29T00:49:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 29: After leading a life of uncertainty and shortages at the cantonments since 2007, personnel of the Maoist People´s Liberation Army (PLA) are finally heaving a sigh of relief, with most of them opting for either integration or voluntary retirement.

But a few Maoist fighters are luckier than others. The sons and daughters of top Maoist echelons, who have been registered as combatants but are living a comfortable life with their parents in Kathmandu, have gone back to the cantonments, and will enjoy the same packages.

"It is not that we are enjoying the comforts of city life. We are working with our parents as their staff," said Femash Pun, son of PLA chief Nanda Kishor Pun. He is registered as company commander at the Fifth Division in Rolpa.

As per the Agreement on Management of the Monitoring of the Arms and Armies, only certain number combatants could go on leave for a certain period of time only

Others among these lucky combatants are Rahul Mahara and Nirmal Mahara, both sons of standing committee member Krishna Bahadur Mahara, and Prabha Bogati, daughter of Secretary Posta Bahadur Bogati.

The wives of some Maoist leaders who have been staying with their spouses in Kathmandu have also been entitled to the packages. Among them are Laxmi Poudel, wife of Janardan Sharma, and Yogmaya Banjade, who was recently divorced from Maoist leader Top Bahadur Rayamajhi.

In fact, the party has also formally deployed the wives of Maoist leaders as the latter´s staff.

Interestingly, these leaders from the Dahal faction of the party, who have issued a decree to the combatants to opt for integration, have not prevented their own sons and daughters from enjoying the lucrative voluntary retirement packages.

But the sons and daughters deny that the party has issued any formal decree or that they have been advised by their parents to choose voluntary packages.

"It is not that I was advised by my parents to seek voluntary retirement. I have been practicing journalism and still continue in the profession," said Prabha, company vice-commander from the Fifth Division at Rolpa. Bogati, 23, works as a reporter for Kathmandu-based Himalayan Television.

Laxmi, wife of Janardan Sharma, argued that she was interested in joining the NA, but added that she was not in sound health. "My age also doesn´t allow me to join the NA," says Laxmi, 45, who is a company commander from the Third Division at Shaktikhor.

Similarly, Rahul, son of Krishna Bahadur Mahara, stated that he has opted for voluntary retirement as he wants to build his career in politics, not in the army. "I am more interested in politics that anything else," said Rahul, who is a platoon commander.

Interestingly, Rahul was a protagonist in the Nepali movie Kishan. His elder brother Nirmal is brigade vice-commander in the Fifth Division.

The Maoist establishment faction issued a fiat to PLA personnel to opt for integration to counter the party radical faction that has asked them to choose voluntary retirement.
source http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=38946

Why majority combatants chose integration?

2011-11-27T22:54:00.001-08:00

KIRAN CHAPAGAIN / KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 28: Though Maoist combatants were seen opting for voluntary retirement and integration at the ratio of 40:60 on the first few days of the categorization process, the trend has seen a reversal as the process concludes in all the seven cantonments, except in Kailali, on Monday.

With the completion of categorization of 14,625 by Sunday, around 60 percent of the ex-Maoist combatants have chosen integration while around 40 percent have preferred voluntary retirement. It is also something contrary to what politicians had widely believed before the categorization began.

Now a question arises: what bucked the initial trend as the categorization progressed and what prompted such a large number of the PLA to opt for integration?
Officials involved in the categorization and Maoist commanders attribute different reasons for the unexpected number of the PLA opting for integration.

First, the opposing political lines in the UCPN (Maoist) with regard to categorization is the main cause. The establishment faction has supported the ongoing categorization while the faction led by Senior Vice- chairman Mohan Baidya has not only opposed it but also asked the PLA to opt out of integration and choose voluntary retirement.

After reading the initial trend of choices of the Maoist combatants, the establishment side issued a "whip" to choose integration, fearing that the number of the ex-Maoist fighters opting for voluntary retirement would outnumber the ones choosing integration, which will mean triumph of Baidya´s political line.

“The party establishment is under moral pressure to show a greater number of PLA opting for integration at any cost following a public call from Baidya to the combatants to opt out of integration and choose voluntary retirement,” said Ram Lal Roka Magar, division vice commander at the fifth division of the Maoist army.

Even government officials involved in the categorization in different cantonments told Republica that they have also heard that commanders close to Dahal have directed the PLA close to them to choose integration to show that their political line with regard to management of ex-Maoist combatants prevails.

"Even the injured and old PLA have chosen integration even if they know that they will not meet the standard norms," said a government official involved in categorization.

Balananda Sharma, coordinator of the secretariat under the Special Committee also confirmed that even those combatants who will not apparently meet the standard norms set for integration have applied for integration.

"They are free to choose between integration, voluntary retirement and rehabilitation. We cannot dictate their decision," said Sharma.

PLA sources even claimed that the establishment faction has forced a mother with a nine-month old baby and a mother of four children to go for integration.

"They have even forced those who will not qualify for integration," said Nep Bahadur Kunwar Magar, vice commander close to Baidya at the sixth division.

Sources said commanders themselves have even filled up the forms of their subordinates to ensure that the combatants choose integration. Sources even claimed that combatants close to the establishment have torn the forms of those combatants who opted for rehabilitation and made them to refill another form indicating their intention for integration.

But commanders loyal to the establishment said they have not interfered with the combatants´ decision.

"They are free to take voluntary decisions," said Yam Bahadur Adhikari, divisional commander at the first division of the PLA.

Not all the combatants going for integration will get place in the 6,500 quota agreed among parties for the PLA under a new directorate of the Nepal Army. The directorate will be formed to accommodate these ex-Maoist combatants and the national army will choose the reserved number of the PLA applying its own standard norms.
source http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=38898

Just two combatants opt for rehabilitation package

2011-11-26T23:32:00.000-08:00

Krishna Kumar Rai Atal

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 27: A few days into the combatants categorization, it seems almost nobody is opting for the rehabilitation package. Out of the 13,000 combatants surveyed so far, just two combatants, Krishna Kumar Rai and Nirmal Rai from the Second Division, have opted for the rehabilitation package.
The Rai duo has chosen a one-year training as drivers as their first option.

Nirmal Rai Sajjan

“I am disabled and not fit for integration. I can earn a living with that skill and give the rest of the money to the family,” said Krsihna, 24, of Boya village in Bhojpur district. As his second option, Krishna has applied for electrician training, and running a rice mill as a third.

Both Krishna and Nirmal are section commanders and hail from Bhojpur district. Interestingly, both had joined the PLA the same year, 2004.

Krishna, who was a seventh grader when he joined the PLA, says he will get Rs 0.6 million. If he had opted for a voluntary retirement package, he would have gotten only Rs 0.5 million.

“I would have opted for some kind of training for a better occupation had I been educated,” says Krishna, who was injured when security forces attacked PLA personnel returning to the jungle after storming Arghakhanchi district headquarters during the insurgency.

He was arrested and released from Bhairahawa jail only during the peace process after serving 14 months.

Nirmal, 22, is from Charambi village, which is near Krishna’s home at Boya. Nirmal, who was a primary level student when he joined the PLA, has also opted for a driving course under the rehabilitation package.

“I joined the PLA to change the face of our country. The dream of revolution has been betrayed,” Krishna told Republica. “I’m not sure about our future. Our dream has been dashed.”

As a rehabilitation package, PLA combatants, according to him, will get Rs 0.9 million for a four-year traning course and 0.6 million for a one-year course. They can receive technical education in subjects like nursing, animal husbandry, beekeeping, sericulture and fishing, among others.

The PLA has objected to the rehabilitation package, saying they don’t need to be rehabilitated into society as they were never displaced.

Secondly, they argue that they are not sure if they will really get the package offered since disqualified combatants who were to receive the rehabilitation packages never got any.

PLA threatens to shun integration over edu criteria

2011-11-16T02:11:00.000-08:00

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 16: The Maoist People´s Liberation Army (PLA) commanders have warned to boycott the integration process if the criteria set for educational qualifications of the PLA in the seven-point agreement are not amended.

Talking to the Republica on Tuesday evening, the commanders also flayed Maoists leadership for its continuing indifference toward the problems and vowed no combatant will opt for integration if the leadership makes no arrangement that recognizes the educational qualifications of the PLA personnel earned after UN verification in 2007.

The Special Committee meeting on Tuesday instructed survey teams, which is starting categorization process of the PLA from Friday, to recognize the educational qualifications of the PLA personnel that was recorded during verification by the UN.

“We will stay out of the integration process if the leadership continues to turn deaf ears to our pleas on amending the criteria set for educational qualifications,” Mahendra Bahadur Shahi, commander of sixth division told Republica.

“We have already apprised the party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Prime Minister Dr Baburam Bhattarai and the prime minister about the possible risks if the combatants refuse to go for integration, but we are still hopeful that the leadership will respond to our demands,” Shahi said.

Chances are high that no PLA personnel will opt for integration if the leadership ignores the “genuine plea” of the PLA, he warned.

Earlier last week, commanders of the Fourth Division and the Fifth Division had met Chairman Dahal and Prime Minister Bhattarai and had expressed serious objection to the educational criteria and urged them to make it flexible. But the leaders had assured them that the current education qualification would be recognized.

A division commander, who preferred to be unnamed, said the quota of 6,500 set for PLA integration with the Nepal Army will not be met if the educational requirements are not relaxed.

The leadership has failed to understand the fact that almost all the PLA personnel had earned lower secondary education when they joined the People´s War and they managed to study further after they were taken to the cantonments, he said.

However, PLA Chief Nanda Kishor Pun told Republica that the integration procedures would honor the current education qualifications of the PLA personnel.

Disabled combatants feel neglected, humiliated

2011-11-14T00:04:00.000-08:00

Prabina Gole Namuna (photo: Nabin Bibhas)

KIRAN PUN
KATHMANDU, Nov 13: Neither the ordeals of jungle life nor the well-trained state soldiers could discourage them. As the members of the Maoist People’s Liberation Army (PLA), they were at the forefront of successive battles and fought the state forces bravely for the sake of a utopia the party promised.

But they matter less as the peace process strides forward, and it is especially true of over 1,000 PLA amputees who have been left to fend for themselves at this juncture.
“Others can take up a job, get involved in politics and even begin a new life. But I have nowhere to go and no scope for job,” says Lal Bahadur Oli, 30, from the Fifth Division, who lost vision after he got injured during the battle of Bhalubang in October 2003. He lost his vision altogether due to torture meted out to him while being held in police detention in Taulihawa later in the year.

Oli, like other disabled combatants, could not make it to senior positions in the PLA hierarchy, and will get only Rs 500,000 in rehabilitation. The peace deal doesn’t make alternative arrangements for those who have been incapacitated by serious injuries and cannot work for survival.

“Without any regular source of income, I will soon be rendered penniless,” he says.

Oli, who hails from the hill district of Salyan, was taken to the border town of Tulsipur in India for treatment after being injured in the battle, but he was arrested by the Indian authorities and handed over to the Nepal Police. According to him, the police in Taulihawa gave electric shock to his eyes, making him permanently blind.

Bhakta Raj Thapa Magar Apil (photo: Nabin Bibhas)

Prabina Gole Namuna, from the Third Division, is more angered than frustrated. “It is absurd that the leaders who cannot take care of their own cadres promise to change the face of Nepal,” says amputee Namuna, 22, who was severely injured when the army showered bullets from chopper at the party’s rally in Thokarpa, Sindhupalchowk, in March 2005.

Namuna, who hails from Lalitpur and joined the PLA at 13, survived but lost her left hand. She says the PLA was taught that all were equal, but she is surprised at the rehabilitation package in which the commanders are getting much more than the ordinary combatants and at the party leadership’s apathy toward the injured, and the kin of the ‘martyrs’ and the disappeared.

“Now I realize the war was only for power and position,” she says.

Bhaktaraj Thapa Magar, aka Apil, of the Third Division, is now convinced that the dreams of the revolution will never materialize.

Lal Bahadur Oli Suresh (photo: Nabin Bibhas)

“The martyrs don’t know what is happening in the country. But we survivors are dying alive,” says Magar, 29, from Ramechhap, whose brother Dil Kumar was also allegedly disappeared by the state forces in 2004.

The peace deal also remains silent on the plight of the disabled combatants who lost the most during the war, but suddenly find themselves left to fend for themselves. “Not all what the commanders say is true, not all what the leaders say is true, and not all is well. A day may come soon when they have to regret for what they are doing,” says Magar.

शिविरका सपनाहरू

2011-11-13T08:24:00.000-08:00

सातबँुदे सहमतिअनुसार शान्तिप्रक्रिया अगाडि बढाउने सहमतिले माओवादी लडाकुको शिविरमा खुवै चहलपहल त बढेको छ । तर, शिविरमा खुसी र हाँसोभन्दा के हुने भन्ने अन्योल बढी देखिन्छ । सातबुँदेपछि माओवादी लडाकुको चौथो डिभिजनअन्तर्गत रूपन्देहीको कृष्णसेन स्मृति बि्रगेडमा पुगेका थिए संवाददाता नेत्र पन्थी । प्रस्तुत छ २४ घन्टाको शिविर बसाइमा उनले देखेको दृश्य:

सबैभन्दा खतरनाक हुन्छ

मुर्दाशान्तिले भरिनु

कुनै छटपटी नहुनु

सबै सहनु

घरबाट काममा निक्लनु

र कामबाट खुरुखुरु घर र्फकनु

सबैभन्दा खतरनाक हुन्छ

हाम्रा सपनाहरूको मृत्यु हुनु !

दलहरूबीच १५ कात्तिकमा शान्तिप्रक्रिया टुंग्याउनेगरी भएको सातबुँदे सहमतिले राजनीतिक वृत्तमा जति धेरै तरंग ल्यायो, त्योभन्दा कम तरंग ल्याएको छैन शिविरमा बसेका लडाकुहरूको मनमा । उनीहरू कसैसँग भविष्यको ठोस योजना छैन, घर र्फकन चाहनेसँग गाउँ गएर दिने जवाफ छैन । धेरैमा त हिजोको क्रान्तिको सपना के हुने भन्ने टुंगो छैन । शान्तिप्रक्रिया टुंगोमा पुगोस् भन्ने कामना उनीहरूले पनि गरेका छन् । तर, कवि पाशले भनेजस्तो त्यो खतरनाक 'मुर्दाशान्ति' हुने हो कि भन्ने शंका एकातिर छ भने अर्कोतिर समाज रूपान्तरण गर्ने सपनाहरूको 'खतरनाक' मृत्यु पो हुने हो कि भन्ने त्रास ! यस्तै चिन्तामा छन् लडाकुहरू अर्थात् माओवादी जनमुक्ति सेनाका योद्धाहरू । केन्द्रीय राजनीति उनीहरूकै नाममा भएको छ तर, उनीहरूले आफ्ना कुरा भने राख्न पाएका छैनन् ।

समाजमा गएर कसरी पुनस्र्थापन हुने, अबको जिन्दगी कसरी बिताउने, पुनस्र्थापन हुँदा आउने चार-पाँच लाख रुपैयाँले के गर्ने, भविष्य राजनीतिमा लगाउने वा अरू केही गर्ने ? यस्तै-यस्तै प्रश्न मनमा खेलाएर बसेका छन् लडाकुहरू । हरेकसँग प्रश्नै-प्रश्न छन्, उत्तर कसैसँग छैन । चेन अफ कमान्डको नाममा लडाकुहरूले कतिपय कुरामा स्वतन्त्र निर्णय लिन सकेका छैनन् । तै पनि बहसमा उनीहरू निरन्तर सहभागी छन् ।

पुनर्वर्गीकरणको दिन जतिजति नजिकिँदै छ, झन्डै पाँच वर्षदेखि शिविरमा बस्दै आएका लडाकुको मन पनि उति-उति भावुक बन्दै छ । लामो समयदेखि सामूहिक बसाइ र सैन्य फर्मेसनमा बसेका लडाकुहरू विभाजित हुनुपर्ने भएपछि भावुक बनेका छन् । कमान्डरदेखि सदस्यसम्म सबैका मनमा अनेकौँ प्रश्न उठेका छन् । तर, हाँसोखुसी छैन, एउटा दुःखद् घटनाले उत्पन्न गराएको सन्नाटाजस्तो छ शिविरमा । दुई-चारजना जम्मा भए कि दलहरूबीच भएको सहमति, आफूहरूको नाममा पार्टीहरूले गरेको राजनीति र गणतन्त्रका लागि लडे पनि उचित सम्मान नपाएको गुनासोसहितका कुरा मात्र सुनिन्छन् । विगत पाँच वर्षदेखि कष्टकर जीवन बिताएको शिविर बसाइको समीक्षा पनि भइरहेको छ अपासमा । आसैआसमा बितेका पाँच वर्षको सबै कोणबाट समीक्षा पनि भइरहेको छ ।

भावुकता कस्तोसम्म हुँदै छ भने समायोजनमा जाने लडाकुले पूर्ववत् आफ्नो कार्यतालिकाअनुसार दैनिक गतिवधि पनि गर्न छोडेका छन् । बिहानका पिटी-परेड होस् वा साँझको रोलकल शिविरका सबै लडाकु सहभागी हुन छोडेका छन् । स्वेच्छिक अवकाश वा पुनस्र्थापन रोज्न खोज्नेले नियमित कार्यतालिका पनि कायम राखेका छैनन् । 'साथीहरूको भावना कस्तो छ हेरेका छौँ, स्वेच्छिक अवकाश वा पुनस्र्थापन प्याकेजमा बाहिर जान चाहने साथीहरूलाई हामीले दैनिक रुटिङमा आउनुपर्छ पनि भनेका छैनौँ,' माओवादी सेनाको चौथो डिभिजनअन्तर्गत कृष्णसेन स्मृति बि्रगेडकी बि्रगेड कमान्डर कमला नहर्की सपनाले भनिन्, 'अब हामी केही दबाब दिँदनौँ, स्वेच्छिक अवकाश वा पुनस्र्थापनमा जाने साथीहरू आफ्नै ढंगले सोच्दै हुनुहुन्छ ।'

शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई टुंग्याउन दलहरूले गरेको सातबुँदे सहमतिअनुसार यसै सातादेखि लडाकुहरूको पुनवर्गीकरण सुरु हुँदै छ । तर, एक साता समय नरहँदा पनि आफूले कुन क्षेत्र रोज्ने भन्ने अन्तिम निर्णय गर्न सकेका छैनन् लडाकुले । घर-परिवार, राजनीतिकर्मी र आफ्नै सहकर्मीसित परामर्श गरिरहेका छन् । कुन क्षेत्र रोज्दा आफूलाई राम्रो होला भन्ने एक-आसपमा कुरा गरिरहेका छन् । फरक-फरक पृष्ठभूमि र सोचले पुनर्वर्गीकरण प्रभावित बन्ने पक्कापक्की जस्तै देखिन्छ । 'लामो समय शिविरमा बन्धक भयौँ, अब सातबुँदे सहमतिअनुसार समायोजनका काम हुँदै छन्, समायोजनमा जाने मुडमा छैन, स्वेच्छि अवकाशमा जाने भएपछि किन दैनिक काममा जानु,' एक लडाकुले सुनाए, 'पाँच वर्ष शिविरमा तालिम गरेर नै बिते, अब पुग्यो ।' मेसमा सामान्य खाना खाइरहेकाहरूबीच पनि छलफलको एजेन्डा समायोजन, पुनस्र्थापन र स्वेच्छिक अवकाश नै बनेको देखियो ।

शिविरमा ठूलो संख्यामा श्रीमान्-श्रीमती दुवै छन् । युद्धमोर्चादेखि हरेक दुःखकष्ठमा सँगै बस्दै आएका श्रीमान्-श्रीमती पनि फरक-फरक रोजेर फरक बसाइँ गर्दै छन् । श्रीमान् समायोजनमा र श्रीमती स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जान चाहेका लडाकु धेरै भेटिए । पुनर्वर्गीकरणपछि समायोजन, स्वेच्छिक अवकाश वा पुनस्र्थापन प्याकेज जुनसुकै क्षेत्र रोजे पनि लडाकुहरू फरक-फरक हुनेछन् । पार्टीभित्रको अन्तरविरोधकैबीच शिविरबाट बिदाइ हुनुपर्ने दिन आएपछि लडाकुहरूले आफ्नो दैनिक कार्यतालिकासमेत फेर्न थालेका छन् । यो बि्रगेडमा ७० दम्पतीले शिविरबाहिर कोठा लिएर बसेका रहेछन् ।

हिजो मृत्यु वा मुक्ति भन्दै विद्रोहमा सामेल भएका लडाकुहरू अधुरा सपना लिएर कसरी गाउँ र्फकने भन्नेमा पनि गम्भीर देखिए । 'देशको आमूल परिवर्तन गर्न भनेर युद्धमा हिँडेको थिएँ, घर गएर के जवाफ दिने ? न जितेर गयौँ न हारेर गयाँै । सहिद, बेपत्ता परिवारलाई दिने जवाफ त हामीसँग छैन नै,' कृष्णसेन स्मृृति बि्रगेडका कमान्डर अरविन्द्र शर्माले भने, 'के गर्ने कसो गर्ने कुनै पत्तो छैन, साथीहरूसँग सल्लाह गरेर एउटा निर्णयमा पुग्छु । तर, अन्योलमा परेको छु ।' हिजो नेताहरूले जे भनेर युद्धमा सामेल गराएका थिए, आजसम्म आउँदा थोरै मात्र लक्ष्य पूरा भएको ती लडाकुले बताए ।

माओवादी लडाकु रेखदेख, समायोजन र पुनस्र्थापनसम्बन्धी विशेष समितिले समायोजन र पुनस्र्थापनको समयबद्ध कार्यतालिका तयार पारिसकेको छ । कार्यतालिकाअनुसार २७ कात्तिकभित्र सर्भेक्षण टोलीलाई लडाकुको सातवटै मुख्य शिविरमा पुर्‍याइसक्ने, २९ र ३० कात्तिकबाट पुनर्वर्गीकरण थाल्ने र ७ मंसिरभित्र सम्पन्न गरिनेछ । टोलीले ८ मंसिरमा विशेष समितिमा प्रतिवेदन बुझाउने निर्णय छ । कस्तो प्रतिवेदन आउने हो त्यो आधार लडाकु नै हुन् । शान्तिप्रक्रिया अगाडि त बढ्ला तर लडाकुको मनमा रहेको अन्योल र भावुकता झनै बढाउनेछ त्यो प्रतिवेदनले, शिविरमा देखिएका दृश्यले गर्ने संकेत यही हो ।

सहमतिअनुसार पुनर्वर्गीकरणको टोली शिविर पुगेपछि आफ्नो रोजाइअनुसारको फारम भर्ने लडाकुको योजना छ । कैयौँ लडाकुले अवकाश र सेनाम जाने भन्दै घरमा सल्लाह मागे पनि आपन्तबाट कुनै ठो्स जवाफ आएको छैन । 'हामीलाई सोधेर तिमी युद्धमा गएका थिएनौ, अहिले पनि जे मन लाग्छ त्यही गर,' आफ्ना बुबाले भनेको कुरा उद्धृत गर्दै एक लडाकुले भने, 'घरबाट केही सल्लाह नै पाउन सकिनँ ।' महेन्द्र राजमार्गबाट नजिकै रहेको यो शिविर जंगलबीचमा छ । सुरु हुँदै गरेको चिसो मौसमले शिविरका बच्चा र सुत्केरी आमालाई समस्या पार्दै छ । तर, नजिकै आएको पुर्नवर्गीकरणले यो समस्या ओझेलमा परेको छ ।

प्रमुख दलहरूले १५ कात्तिकमा गरेको सातबुँदे सहमतिअनुसार पुनस्र्थापनमा जान चाहने लडाकुलाई ६ देखि ९ लाखबराबरको प्याकेज र स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जान चाहनेलाई पाँचदेखि आठ लाख रकम दुई किस्तामा दिइनेछ । पुनस्र्थापित हुन चाहेका लडाकुका लागि तयार भएको विकल्पमा शिक्षा, वैदेशिक रोजगार, कृषि, सीपमूलक तालिम, स्वरोजगारका अन्य विकल्प समेटिएको छ । तर, रकम सानो भएको लडाकुहरूको गुनासो छ । '१४-१५ वर्ष पार्टीका लागि बितायौँ, यो समयमा केही गरेको भए पनि ८-१० लाख कमाउन सकिन्थ्यो होला,' लडाकुहरूले सुनाएका थिए ।

समायोजन, पुनस्र्थापना र स्वेच्छिक अवकाश केमा जाने भन्दै शिविरमा आन्तरिक फाराम भर्दै थिए बिहीबार र शुक्रबार । पद मिलान स्पष्ट नभएपछि कमान्डरहरू अन्योलमा थिए । फाराम भरेकाहरूले स्वेच्छिक अवकाशलाई रोजाइमा पारेका थिए । बच्चा भएका कारण महिलालाई समायोजनमा जान समस्या परेको छ । व्यक्तिगत रूपमा समायोजन गर्ने मापदण्डप्रति लडाकुको कडा आपत्ति देखियो । दिइने प्याकेज रकम पनि कम भएको गुनासो छ लडाकुको । तर, सातबुँदे सहमतिले देशले निकास पाएको उनीहरूको भनाइ छ । शिविरका घरहरू पुराना भइसकेका छन् ।

प्रमुख राजनीतिक दलबीच शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई टुंग्याउने विषयमा सहमति भएपछि जनसेनाका शिविरमा चहलपहल अहिले बढेको थियो । समायोजन, पुनस्र्थापन वा स्वेच्छिक अवकाश केमा जाने भन्ने विषयमा लडाकुहरूबीच औपचारिक/अनौपचारिक छलफल भइरहेको थियो । सेना समायोजनको प्रक्रिया अगाडि बढाउने विषयमा दलहरूबीच सहमति भएलगत्तै तिहार तथा अन्य बिदामा घर गएका सबै लडाकु शिविर फर्केका छन् । समायोजन, पुनस्र्थापन र स्वेच्छिक अवकाशमा जाँदा हुने फाइदा-बेफाइदाका लेखाजोखा गर्दै छन् लडाकुका कमान्डर र सदस्यहरू । अर्कोतिर सातबुँदेका विषयमा माओवादीभित्र देखापरेको अन्तर्संघर्षको बहस पनि शिविरमा देखापरेको छ । कतिपय लडाकुले 'नेपाली क्रान्ति सकिएको' भन्दै चिन्ता व्यक्त गरेका छन् ।

माओवादी सेनाको चौथो डिभिजनअन्तर्गत कृष्णसेन स्मृति बि्रगेडमा शारीरिक मापदण्ड पूरा हुन सक्ने धेरैजसो लडाकु समायोजनमा जान इच्छुक देखिएका छन् । तर, संख्याको सीमितता र बीचका कमान्डरहरूको पद मिलानबारे अन्तिम टंुगो नलागेकाले समायोजनमा जानेको संख्या कति हुन्छ भन्ने यकिन भएको छैन । यो बि्रगेडमा दोस्रो चरणको प्रमाणीकरणमा करिब सात सय सदस्य लडाकु प्रमाणीकरणमा परेका थिए । तीमध्ये एक सय १० जना महिला छन्, तीमध्ये ७० जनाजति बच्चासहितका महिला छन् । शिविरमा बसेका महिला समायोजनमा जान नपाएकोमा उत्तिकै चिन्तित देखिए । 'महिला साथीहरू युद्धमोर्चामा खटे, शान्तिप्रक्रियामा आएपछि विवाह भयो, अहिले बालबच्चा छन्, शारीरिक मापदण्डका कारण समायोजनमा जान सक्ने अवस्था रहेन,' कमान्डर सपनाले सुनाइन् । युद्धकालमा झन्डै ४० प्रतिशतको हाराहारीमा महिला सदस्य थिए लडाकु । तर, शान्तिप्रक्रिया सुरु भएपछि क्रमशः यो संख्या घट्दै गयो । माओवादी लडाकुको मुख्यालयले एउटा बि्रगेडबाट तीन सय लडाकु समायोजनमा पठाउने योजना बनाएको छ । सात मुख्य र २१ सहायक शिविरमा लडाकु बसेका छन् ।

'सैन्य जीवन रोज्ने, राजनीति गर्ने वा निजी जीवन जिउने- तीव्र बहस छ । लामो समय युद्धमा रहेका हाम्रा सदस्यबीच छलफल भइरहेको छ,' जनसेनाको चौथो डिभिजनअन्तर्गत कृष्णसेन स्मृति बि्रगेडका कमान्डर कमला नहर्की सपना भन्छिन्, 'राष्ट्रिय सेनामा जाने कुरा एउटा अवसर हो, यसलाई उपयोग गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने धेरै साथीको धारणा छ ।' तर, उनका अनुसार शारीरिक मापदण्डले धेरै महिला समायोजनबाट वञ्चित हुने खतरा छ । 'धेरैजसो महिला बच्चासहित हुनुहुन्छ, उहाँहरू युद्धमा लामो समय लागेर पनि अहिले बच्चाका कारण समायोजनमा जान नसक्ने अवस्था देखिन्छ,' कमान्डर सपनाले भनिन्, 'केही समय बिदा दिएर उहाँहरूलाई ल्याउन पाए हुन्थ्यो भन्ने धेरैको अपेक्षा छ ।'

लडाकुहरूमा मापदण्डका विषयमा भएको सहमतिप्रति असन्तुष्टि देखियो । 'त्यति ठूलो युद्ध लडेर आयौँ, फेरि छाती नापेर भर्ना हुनेजस्तो कुरा चित्तबुझ्दा छैनन्,' लडाकुहरूले सामूहिक रूपमा सुनाए । 'समायोजनमा सामेल हुने माओवादी सेनाका लडाकुले सम्बन्धित सुरक्षा निकायको मापदण्ड व्यक्तिगत आधारमा पूरा गर्नुपर्नेछ । तर, उमेर, शिक्षा र वैवाहिक स्थितिको मापदण्डमा लचकता अपनाइनेछ । माओवादी सेनाका लडाकुमा भर्ना हुँदाको मितिमा तोकिएको दर्जाका लागि शिक्षामा एक तहसम्म र उमेरमा तीन वर्षसम्मको बढी उमेरमा लचकता अपनाइनेछ,' मापदण्डबारे प्रमुख दलहरूबीच भएको सहमतिमा भनिएको छ ।

तर, एकातिर पार्टीभित्रको विवाद, अर्कोतिर भष्यिको अन्योल । सुन्दर संसारको सपना देखेर युद्धमा होमिएका यी कम्युनिस्ट कार्यकर्ताका सपना के हुने हुन् ? यो प्रश्नको उत्तर पनि अहिले द्विविधाकै घेरामा छ ।

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कमला नहर्की 'सपना’

बि्रगेड कमान्डर

अहिले जनसेनाभित्रको महिलामध्येको सबैभन्दा उच्च तहमा पुगेकी कमान्डर हुन् उनी । जनमुक्ति सेनामा लागेदेखि नै उनको चाहना थियोे राजनीति गर्ने । संगठनको योजनाअनुसार सैन्य फाँटको जिम्मा लिइन् उनले । माओवादी सेनाका कमान्डरहरूले के गर्ने भन्ने तय हुन बाँकी छ । तर, उनको इच्छा राजनीतिकर्मी बन्ने नै छ । सेनामा जानेले राजनीति गर्ने कुरा हुँदैन भन्ने उनले बुझेकी छिन् । रिटायर्ड लाइफ मात्र हो राजनीति भन्ने उनलाई थाहा छ । राजनीतिलाई निरन्तरता दिँदा राम्रो हुन्छ भन्ने उनले सोचेकी छिन् । संगठनको आवश्यकताअनुसार चल्ने कुरा उनले मानेकी छिन् । ०५७ मा गोरखा जेल ब्रेक गर्ने ६ महिलामध्ये एक हुन् सपना । गोरखाको देउराली गाविसमा जन्मिएकी सपना ०५४ देखि नै राजनीतिमा लागेकी थिइन् । उनी संगठनमा आउँदा नै सुरक्षा टिममा थिइन् । त्यसपछि महिला, विद्यार्थी, किसान हुँदै काम गरिन् । जेल बे्रकपछि ०५८ देखि सैन्य मोर्चामा लागेकी थिइन् । उनको परिवारका तीनजना माओवादी सेनामा छन् । भाइ सागर, बहिनी सरस्वती पनि माओवादी सेनामै छन् । उनीहरू दुवै तेस्रो डिभिजनमा कार्यरत छन् । १७ भदौ ०६६ मा तेस्रो डिभिजनमा कार्यक्षेत्र रुकुम हँुदा हुकाम घर भएका संगम रोकासँग विवाह भएको थियो । संगम र सपना एउटै बि्रगेडमा छन् । सपना ०६६ को पारिजात संघर्षशील पुरस्कारबाट पनि सम्मानित भइसकेकी छिन् ।

from Naya Patrika